The Septuagint<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
\u201cSeptuagint\u201d is the ancient Jewish-Greek translation of Hebrew Scripture. Septuaginta means \u201cseventy\u201d in Latin (usually abbreviated as LXX). This name derives from the tradition that the first Greek translation of the Torah (Pentateuch) was prepared by 72 elders, 6 from each of the 12 original tribes. The number 72 was subsequently rounded off to 70. The story of the miraculous creation of the translation is first found in the Hellenistic Jewish Letter of Aristeas (\u00a7301\u20137) and in the slightly later writings of Philo of Alexandria. At the same time, Rabbinic tradition, especially in the Talmud (B. Sot. 1.7), says there were 5 translators of the Torah, 1 for each book; this is more probable than 72 or 70.<\/p>\n
HISTORY AND TRANSMISSION<\/p>\n
According to the Letter of Aristeas, the translation of the Torah into Greek was initiated by Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt (reigned 285\u2013246 BCE), and was centered in Alexandria. This date is probably correct, although most other details in this Letter may be fictive. The translations of the rest of the Hebrew Bible, the Prophets and the Writings, were completed by the middle of the 1st century BCE. The grandson of Ben Sira knew the translation of the Prophets and part of the Writings in 132 or 116 BCE, according to different computations of the date of his Greek translation of Ben Sira\u2019s treatise (see also Wisdom of Ben Sira).
\nLike Hebrew Scripture, the LXX was transmitted in various ways: first in scrolls, later in book form (codex), as well as through citations in other manuscripts, etc. The form of the Hebrew Scripture with which we are most familiar is the Masoretic Text (MT). Forerunners of the MT are found among the Dead Sea Scrolls fragments dating from the 3rd century BCE until the 2nd century CE. The LXX, likewise, is known from ancient parchment (leather) and papyrus scrolls and codices, among them several fragments of early copies found near the Dead Sea. The most reliable complete texts of the LXX, however, are preserved in Christian biblical manuscripts, the codices B (Vaticanus), A (Alexandrinus), and S (Sinaiticus), from the 4th and 5th centuries CE. With the aid of these codices, earlier papyri, and evidence from the church fathers, modern editions reconstruct the early form of the LXX.<\/p>\n
NATURE AND CONTENT<\/p>\n
The translation of the Torah into Greek was soon to be followed by piecemeal translations of the other books of Hebrew Scripture. However, just as the Torah influenced the rest of the biblical books, so the LXX\u2014strictly speaking, the translation of the Torah\u2014gave its name to the collected Greek translations of the remaining Hebrew books. Thus, the label \u201cLXX\u201d ultimately came to designate a group of many translations of the various biblical books, translations that represent different approaches and were produced at different times. In the current version of the LXX, most books reproduce the original Greek translations (the \u201cOld Greek\u201d), but some reflect anonymous later revisions, for example 2 Kings (called 4 Kingdoms in the LXX) and the Song of Songs. The book of Daniel of the LXX contains a revision by a Jewish scholar, Theodotion. These internal differences among the various translations in the collected Greek Scripture texts existed already in antiquity, and consequently modern editions of the LXX are of equally mixed character. When analyzing books of the LXX, one has to take this variety into consideration.
\nThe Septuagint contains Greek versions of all the books of Hebrew Scripture, and also Greek versions of Hebrew books, such as Baruch and the Wisdom of Ben Sira, that were not included in the Hebrew canon. And the books in the LXX are arranged in a different sequence from their order in Hebrew Scripture. In the Hebrew Bible, the three large divisions are Torah, Prophets, and Writings; the divisions reflect the various scriptural books composed at different stages of the creation of the Bible. The books of Greek Scripture are arranged according to their content, in a somewhat different order: Torah and historical books, books of poetry and wisdom, and prophetic books, followed by the books of the New Testament (NT). Within each group, the sequence of the books differs from Hebrew Scripture. For example, in the Greek, the book of Ruth (included among the Writings in the Hebrew) follows the book of Judges, since its story took place \u201cin the days of the Judges\u201d (Ruth 1:1). Often the names of the books differ from their counterparts in Hebrew Scripture (e.g., Samuel\u2013Kings are named 1-4 Kingdoms in the LXX).<\/p>\n
THE CHARACTER OF THE TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
In the modern world, we are accustomed to translations of literary compositions, and it is hard to imagine that at one time no such translations existed. Indeed, in antiquity, cross-cultural enterprises such as the translation of Hebrew Scripture into Greek were a rarity. In fact, the LXX embodies the first major translation from an oriental language into Greek, and it was the first written translation of Hebrew Scripture. Therefore, the translators had to overcome many problems. When trying to analyze the Hebrew and Aramaic words, the translators could not resort to tools such as dictionaries or other sources of lexical information; they had to rely on their living knowledge of these languages and on exegetic traditions relating to words and contexts. We may assume that the translators were guided by such traditions when a specific rendering is found also in other sources. Thus a kesitah (a monetary unit of unknown value) is rendered in the LXX (Gen. 33:19; Josh. 24:32; Job 42:11)\u2014and also in the Aramaic Targum Onkelos and the Latin Vulgate\u2014as \u201clamb\u201d (cf. also Gen. Rab. 79:7). By the same token, the identification of difficult words was often guided by the context. Such a procedure frequently was little more than guesswork, especially in the case of rare and unique Hebrew words.
\nThe LXX was written in Koine, the Hellenistic dialect of Greek that was in general use by those who spoke and wrote in Greek from the 4th century BCE onward. Research into the language of the LXX is important, since this work forms the largest literary source written in this dialect. However, the study of the language of the LXX is complicated because of its many lexical and syntactic Hebraisms transforming characteristic Hebrew idioms to the Greek language, where such idioms do not exist. The high level of adherence to the Hebrew by the translators created new meanings and usages that can only be explained against the Hebrew background of the LXX. Thus the standard rendering of shalom as eir\u0113n\u0113 created a new shade of meaning in 2 Sam. 11:7, where \u201cDavid asked \u2026 how the war was going\u201d (u-li-shelom ha-mil\u1e25amah), which was rendered as \u201cand the peace of the war\u201d (eis eir\u0113n\u0113n tou polemou).
\nThe first translators had to develop their own translation styles. The general approaches of translators are usually labeled \u201cliteral\u201d and its opposite, \u201cfree\u201d (or \u201ccontextual,\u201d or when exceedingly free, \u201cparaphrastic\u201d). Between these two extremes many gradations and variations may be discerned, from slavishly faithful to extremely paraphrastic (when the wording of the parent text is hardly recognizable).
\nThe books of the LXX are characterized by different translation styles that often appear within books of similar content. The reason for these differing styles is unclear. For example, the Greek versions of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the books of the Minor Prophets are rather literal (the original form of these books was translated by one individual), while the translation of Isaiah is free\u2014at times very free. Similar differences are visible within the Writings, where Psalms is presented in a very literal Greek version and the translations of Job and Proverbs are quite free, sometimes paraphrastic.
\nAnalysis of the level of freedom and literalness in the translators\u2019 approaches forms a key element in our understanding of translation styles and their use in the text-critical analysis of Hebrew Scripture. In short, the argument runs as follows: If a translator represented his Hebrew text faithfully in small details, we would not expect him to insert major changes in the translation. Therefore, when we find major differences between the LXX and MT in relatively faithful translation units, they must reflect different Hebrew texts. These differing Hebrew texts are of central importance to our understanding of Hebrew Scripture.
\nMost of the books of Hebrew Scripture were rendered into Greek in a relatively faithful way, while some are characterized by very literal renderings. In books of the latter type we can more easily assess the nature of the deviations from the MT. Some books, however, were rendered freely. These units pose special challenges, since in these cases it is more difficult to assess the nature of the Hebrew text behind the LXX (see Selections from Joshua, Selections from Esther, and Selections from Daniel.).
\nThe LXX was translated from a Hebrew text that differed, often greatly, from the MT. This is not surprising, since in antiquity many differing copies of the Hebrew Scripture text were in circulation. All these copies were considered \u201cScripture\u201d in early Judaism (but not in the later Rabbinic Judaism) and in Christianity, and they are accepted as such also by most scholars. In our analysis of Hebrew Scripture, we should supplement the data of the MT with valuable information included in the LXX, some Qumran scrolls, and the Samaritan Pentateuch.
\nSmall differences between the LXX and the MT\u2014minor changes inserted by scribes and mistakes made while copying the manuscripts\u2014are recorded in the critical text editions of individual books of the MT. While some are also noted in the commentary on selections from the LXX in these volumes, the commentary focuses mainly on large differences between the MT and the LXX. Such differences may involve a whole chapter or even a complete book.
\nIn some cases, the LXX contains a compositional layer that may have preceded the text of the MT (for example, in the books of Joshua and Jeremiah). In other cases, the Hebrew text underlying the LXX rewrote the MT, in ways that often resemble midrashic techniques (e.g., in 1 Kings, Esther, and Daniel). In yet other cases, the relation between the two texts cannot be determined easily (e.g., in Genesis, 1 Samuel, and Proverbs).<\/p>\n
THE WORLD OF THE TRANSLATORS<\/p>\n
Many renderings reflect the cultural environment of the translators, which consisted of elements of both Palestinian and Egyptian society. The Egyptian background is visible in some local technical terms. For example, nogsim, \u201ctaskmasters,\u201d in the story of the Israelites in Egypt (Exod. 3:7 and elsewhere) was rendered as ergodi\u014dktai, literally, \u201cthose who speed up the workers,\u201d known from Egyptian papyri; the Hellenistic division of cities into nomoi (districts) is reflected in Isa. 19:2 LXX.
\nThe translators often added religious background to sayings in Hebrew Scripture. See the examples given in Proverbs 1 and Selections from Esther; see further Isa. 5:13: \u201cTherefore my people go into exile without knowledge\u201d (NRSV), to which the LXX added \u201cof the LORD.\u201d Likewise, Targum Jonathan often identified \u201cknowledge\u201d with \u201cthe Torah\u201d (Isa. 28:9 etc.).
\nIn several places, the translators interpreted the context as referring to the messiah. \u201cA star rises from Jacob, a scepter comes forth from Israel\u201d in Num. 24:17 MT is interpreted in the LXX as \u201cA star shall come forth out of Jacob, and a man shall rise out of Israel\u201d (emphasis mine). A similar interpretation is reflected in the Aramaic Targumim. In other instances, the translators avoided a physical depiction of God. Thus in Num. 12:8 MT, \u201cand he beholds the likeness of the LORD\u201d is rendered in the LXX as referring to the \u201cglory of the LORD.\u201d<\/p>\n
SIGNIFICANCE<\/p>\n
The Jewish origin of the LXX is described in the Letter of Aristeas, in Rabbinic literature, and various additional sources. Its Jewish nature is reflected in its terminology and exegesis. Several Hebrew words were preserved in the LXX in their Hebrew or Aramaic form (at the time of the translation, Aramaic was more commonly spoken by Jews than was Hebrew). Some Hebraized Greek words in the LXX probably reflected the spoken language of the Alexandrian Jews, such as sabbata (Heb. Shabbat, Aram. shabta\u2018) and pascha (Heb. pesach, Aram. pascha\u2019).
\nJewish exegesis is visible wherever a special interpretation of the LXX is known also from Rabbinic literature. Such exegesis reveals the Palestinian background of at least some of the translators. For example, the Gk. to deuteron epidekaton, \u201csecond tithe,\u201d in the LXX of Deut. 26:12 differs from the term found in the MT: shenat ha-ma\u2018aser, \u201cthe year of the tithe.\u201d Here, the LXX translator has read the Heb. as shenit ha-ma\u2018aser, literally \u201csecond, the tithe\u201d; this interpretation represents the influence of the Rabbinic term ma\u2018aser sheni (\u201csecond tithe\u201d), mistakenly read into the biblical text.
\nThe LXX translation was a Jewish venture, created for Jews and probably also for Gentiles. It was used by Jews in their weekly ceremonial reading from Scripture, and served as the base for the philosophical-exegetic works of Philo and the historical-exegetic writings of Josephus. However, the central position of the LXX in Judaism did not last for a long period. It was soon recognized that the LXX often differed from the Hebrew text that was current in Palestine from the 2nd to the 1st centuries BCE onward and that was later to become the MT. These differences were not to the liking of the Pharisaic (proto-Rabbinic) circles, who held on to the exact wording of the MT, and soon a trend developed to replace the LXX with new translations. These new translations adapted the Old Greek translation to the Hebrew text then current in Palestine. They also changed the wording of the original translation when it imprecisely represented the source text. Because of their revisional character, the translations that were produced after the Old Greek translation are usually called \u201crevisions.\u201d
\nThe Jewish dislike of the LXX became even stronger when the Greek writings of early Christianity (the New Testament, or NT) based themselves, quite naturally, on the LXX (for Christianity: the Greek translation of the Old Testament). The LXX influenced the NT at various levels. Many of the terms used by the LXX translators became part and parcel of the language of the NT. For example, christos, originally a Gk. rendering of the Heb. mashiach, \u201cthe anointed,\u201d became the accepted appellation of Jesus of Nazareth. Furthermore, the NT quotes the LXX frequently, and some of its theological foundations are based on the wording of passages in the LXX. At an early stage the belief developed that this translation was divinely inspired and hence the way was open for several church fathers to claim that the LXX reflected the words of God more precisely than the Hebrew Bible. In the West, Christianity held on to the LXX as Holy Scripture until it was replaced by the Vulgate translation, by the church father Jerome (ca. 400 CE). In the Russian and Greek Orthodox churches, the LXX is still considered sacred.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Bickerman, Elias. \u201cThe Septuagint as a Translation.\u201d In Studies in Jewish and Christian History, Part 1, 167\u2013200. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 9. Leiden: Brill, 1967.
\nDines, Jennifer M. The Septuagint. London: T. & T. Clark, 2004.
\nFern\u00e1ndez Marcos, Natalio. The Septuagint in Context: Introduction to the Greek Versions of the Bible. Leiden: Brill, 2000.
\nJellicoe, Sidney. The Septuagint and Modern Study. Oxford: Clarendon, 1968.
\nSeeligmann, Isaac L. \u201cProblems and Perspectives in Modern Septuagint Research.\u201d Textus 15 (1990): 169\u2013232.
\nSilva, Mois\u00e9s, and K. H. Jobes. Invitation to the Septuagint. Grand Rapids MI: Baker Academic, 2000.
\nSwete, Henry B. An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, 2nd ed. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1914.
\nTov, Emanuel. \u201cThe Septuagint.\u201d In Mikra, section 2, The Literature of the Jewish People in the Period of the Second Temple and the Talmud, edited by M. J. Mulder, 1:161\u201388. Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum. Assen-Maastricht: Fortress\/Van Gorcum, 1988.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Nature of the Large-Scale Differences between the LXX and MT S T V, Compared with Similar Evidence in Other Sources.\u201d In The Earliest Text of the Hebrew Bible: The Relationship between the Masoretic Text and the Hebrew Base of the Septuaginta Reconsidered, edited by Adrian Schenker, 121\u201344. Septuagint and Cognate Studies 52. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 2003.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. The Parallel Aligned Text of the Greek and Hebrew Bible (division of the CATSS database, directed by R. A. Kraft and E. Tov), module in the Accordance computer program, 2002 (with updates 2003\u2013) and the Logos computer program, 2004 (with updates 2005\u2013).<\/p>\n
The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha<\/p>\n
James L. Kugel<\/p>\n
The terms \u201cApocrypha\u201d and \u201cPseudepigrapha\u201d are used to designate two loosely defined groups of texts that have survived\u2014for the most part in translation from the original Hebrew or Aramaic\u2014thanks to their having been preserved by various Christian churches. This fact in itself should make clear that the terms themselves, as well as the distinction between them, are proper to Christianity. From a Jewish standpoint, these texts, along with the Dead Sea Scrolls and the writings of Philo, Josephus, and other Hellenistic Jewish authors, all belong to a single corpus of Jewish writings of the Second Temple period. Some of these writings clearly were considered to be sacred texts, but for one reason or another they were not incorporated into the canonical collection that makes up our current Jewish Bible.
\nThis is certainly true of many of the Apocrypha; some were doubtless thought to be no less holy than such biblical books as Genesis or Psalms. But when the Christian scholar Jerome (ca. 331\u2013420) set out to translate Hebrew Scripture into Latin, he put aside a number of books that were not in the Rabbinic canon as \u201cApocrypha,\u201d the Greek term meaning \u201cput aside\u201d or \u201chidden away\u201d (perhaps used by Jerome as an equivalent of the Hebrew genuzim).
\nThe works usually included under the rubric Apocrypha, are: 1 and 2 Maccabees (some Christian Bibles also include 3 and 4 Maccabees), 1 and 2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus), 1 Baruch, the Letter of Jeremiah, Psalm 151, Additions to the Book of Daniel (comprised of The Prayer of Azariah, The Song of the Three Youths, The Story of Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon), Additions to the Book of Esther, and The Prayer of Manasseh.
\nThe Pseudepigrapha include a far more fluid body of texts. The name \u201cpseudepigrapha\u201d means \u201cfalsely attributed writings,\u201d a reflection of the practice common in Second Temple times for authors to conceal their real identity and attribute their writings to various biblical figures\u2014Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Jeremiah, Baruch, Ezra, and so forth. But this name does not properly describe all the works generally included under the rubric of pseudepigrapha: a number of them contain no attribution of authorship whatsoever.
\nThese works, like those of the Apocrypha, cover a wide range of literary genres. Many are accounts of dream visions or divine revelations (such as 1 and 2 Enoch, the Apocalypse of Abraham, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, etc.). Others take the form of spiritual last wills, in which a dying ancestor instructs his descendants about the proper path to follow in life (the Testament of Job, the Testament of Abraham, the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, etc.). Still others are expansive retellings of biblical material (the Life of Adam and Eve, Jubilees, Pseudo-Philo\u2018s Book of Biblical Antiquities), as well as collections of ancient wisdom, pseudepigraphic psalms, and yet other material. Together, these works comprise the largest body of Jewish writings from the Second Temple period that we possess, surpassing in volume the whole collection of the Dead Sea Scrolls, or the Septuagint, or the writings of individual authors such as Philo or Josephus.<\/p>\n
ANCIENT BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION<\/p>\n
One valuable aspect of these works is that nearly all of them reveal something about how the Torah and other sacred texts were commonly interpreted at the time in which the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha were written. (The same, of course, is true of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Hellenistic Jewish writings.) The interest in the meaning of Scripture, and often the willful attempt to promote a new interpretation of ancient texts, is most evident in works like Jubilees or the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. In both, the author deliberately sets out to comment on well-known biblical narratives from Genesis, seeking to resolve inconsistencies or apparent contradictions in the text, as well as to flesh out details in the story and, often, to bring out some new teaching or lesson from the biblical narrative.
\nJubilees and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs stand out among all the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha by dint of their intense focus on explaining and expanding the stories of Genesis. They also reveal an interesting feature of ancient biblical interpretation. Although commentaries per se did exist in ancient times (in, for example, the writings of Philo and the Dead Sea Scrolls pesharim), a rather popular way of commenting on texts was not to cite a verse and then offer an explanation, but rather to explain via retelling.
\nCommentators would rewrite a text in their own words, inserting into it their own understanding. If, for example, the original text contained a problematic word or phrase, or a place name no longer in use, the commentator would replace it with a different word or phrase that everyone would understand, or the name of a place that everyone would recognize. The same principle operated on the level of sustained narrative. In retelling a biblical story, the commentator would insert explanations of how something happened, or what motivated this or that biblical figure to act as he or she did. Sometimes these insertions went on for pages, nor were they always intended merely to clarify or fill in gaps in the narrative. Often they were designed to justify questionable items\u2014to explain, for example, why it was not reprehensible of Abram to have instructed his wife Sarai to say that she was his sister. Sometimes these ancient commentators also sought to find in biblical texts justification for their own, polemical claims\u2014such as the attempt by the author of Jubilees to condemn any contact of Jews with non-Jews.<\/p>\n
OFFHAND EXEGESIS<\/p>\n
Jubilees, the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, and one or two others of the biblical Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha are indeed bent on interpreting, or reinterpreting, biblical narratives. But many of the other texts included under these rubrics refer to biblical texts in an altogether offhand manner, as if incorporating unconsciously some existing piece of interpretation. In many cases, it seems that the writer is simply reflecting what he or she has heard or learned from others\u2014teachers or preachers or other public figures. It is well to remember that books in this period were extremely expensive and relatively rare; it is altogether likely that those who studied ancient texts were simply taught to memorize them\u2014and that, along with the text itself, they learned by heart a standard interpretation of each passage or verse. Under such circumstances, it must not have always been easy for them to distinguish between text and standard commentary. So it is that many writers introduce a bit of interpretation (what is called an interpretive motif) without explaining, or perhaps even realizing, that such an explanation does not appear in the Scriptural text itself.
\nTo give but one example among many: the book of Judith is essentially an adventure tale, the story of its heroine\u2019s brave confrontation with the villain Holofernes. The book has very little (if any) interest in ancient interpretive traditions per se. But just before the climactic scene, Judith prays a short prayer:<\/p>\n
O LORD God of my ancestor Simeon, to whom you gave a sword to take revenge on those strangers who had torn off a virgin\u2019s clothing to defile her, and exposed her thighs to put her to shame, and polluted her womb to disgrace her; for You said, \u201cIt shall not be done\u2014yet they did it.\u2026\u201d O God, my God, hear me also, a widow. (Jdth. 9:1\u20134)<\/p>\n
In this prayer is evidence of at least two ancient interpretive motifs that derive from the biblical story of Dinah (Gen. 34). The first maintained that Levi and Simeon were each given a special, heaven-sent weapon (here, \u201ca sword\u201d) with which to take revenge on the people of Shechem for the rape of their sister. There is no mention of such a weapon having been given in the biblical story, but the same interpretive motif appears in the Testament of Levi (3:1) section of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and may be hinted at as well in the Hellenistic romance, Joseph and Aseneth (23:13\u201314). Another interpretive motif appears in Judith\u2019s assertion that God said, \u201c \u2018It shall not be done\u2019\u2014yet they did it.\u201d This is a reference to Gen. 34:7, where it is apparently Jacob\u2019s sons who say to each other, \u201cSuch a thing shall not be done.\u201d But an ancient motif found in Jubilees (30:5) and elsewhere held that these words were uttered not by Jacob\u2019s sons, but by God himself. Here, then, are two examples of the sort of offhand references to existing exegetical traditions that are common in Second Temple writings.<\/p>\n
FOCUS ON GENESIS<\/p>\n
It is an interesting feature of the books included in the biblical Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha that the exegetical motifs that they cite are overwhelmingly focused on narratives that appear in Genesis. (One partial exception is the Book of Biblical Antiquities, which retells biblical narratives from Genesis through 1 Samuel). This stands in opposition to the many texts from Qumran that are concerned with matters of halakhah (Jewish law), for example, the Temple Scroll and Some Precepts on the Torah [4QMMT]); the same is true of the writings of Philo and Josephus, both of whom show a profound interest in, and familiarity with, halakhic traditions. But such matters are relatively neglected in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Perhaps the reason lies in the fact that these texts have all survived thanks to early Christians. It may be that the relative lack of interest in halakhic matters in early Christianity caused the early Church to put aside Jewish texts focused on such things and to concentrate instead on those connected to Genesis.
\nOf course, there is much to be learned from the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha apart from ancient biblical interpretation. Indeed, these texts open a window onto the whole world of Second Temple Judaism. That is, they tell us much about the actual way of life of Jews in this period; their social and political conditions, both within Judea and outside of it; what they thought about themselves in relation to their immediate neighbors; to what extent different circles within the population had been influenced by Hellenism and Greek thought, and how they themselves felt about this influence; and finally, how they sought to connect themselves to Israel\u2019s biblical past, as well as their hopes and dreams about the future. All these subjects have been investigated in the past, but there remains much to be discovered\u2014sometimes, between the lines\u2014in this important group of texts from the Second Temple period.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Charles, R. H. Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1913.
\nCharlesworth, J. C. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1983, 1985.
\nKugel, J. L. The Bible as It Was. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1997.
\nNickelsburg, George W. E. Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah. 2nd ed. Minneapolis: Augsburg-Fortress, 2005.
\nSparks, H. F. D. The Apocryphal Old Testament. Oxford: Clarendon, 1984.
\nStone, M. E. Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period. Philadelphia: VanGorcum-Fortress, 1984.<\/p>\n
The Writings of Philo<\/p>\n
David T. Runia<\/p>\n
Philo of Alexandria is the most important representative of Hellenistic Judaism, the Greek-speaking variety of Judaism that flourished in Alexandria and elsewhere in the Diaspora from 200 BCE to 100 CE.<\/p>\n
PHILO\u2019S LIFE<\/p>\n
We obtain very little explicit information about Philo from his own writings. Josephus refers to him only once, in Ant. 18.259\u201360. This passage tells us four things: (1) that Philo was \u201cheld in the highest honor\u201d in the Jewish community of Alexandria; (2) that he was the brother of Alexander the Alabarch, a leading member of the community and one of the richest men in the Roman Empire; (3) that he was \u201cnot unskilled in philosophy\u201d; and (4) that he was placed at the head of an embassy of Alexandrian Jews that traveled to Rome to protest to the Emperor Gaius Caligula against the anti-Jewish mob violence that had taken place in Alexandria in 38 CE, a perilous adventure that could have cost Philo his life. Josephus may well have derived this last item of information from Philo\u2019s own account of the delegation, which has survived under the title On the Embassy to Gaius. At the beginning of this work Philo describes himself as a \u201csenior person\u201d who has gone gray through length of years (Embassy 1). This is the only secure chronologic evidence that we have for his life. He was probably born about 20 BCE and had died by about 50 CE.
\nPhilo was born into a very rich and influential Jewish family in Alexandria. There can be no doubt that he enjoyed the privileges of Roman citizenship and had the benefit of an extensive education in the liberal arts and philosophy. In his writings he often speaks in general terms about social and cultural events that he attended in Alexandrian society. At the same time his writings attest to his deep involvement in the life of the Jewish community, even if concrete details about his participation in religious and educational institutions are lacking. The 4th-century church father Jerome relates that Philo was of priestly descent (Vir. ill. 11). There are good arguments for accepting this testimony; in an incidental comment in one of his dialogues, Philo tells us that he traveled to Jerusalem \u201cto pray and sacrifice in the ancestral Temple\u201d (Prov. 2.107).
\nApart from the embassy, the most interesting evidence on Philo\u2019s life in his own writings is furnished by two surviving dialogues that depict discussions in his family circle (On Providence 2 and Whether Animals Have Reason). In both works the chief interlocutor is his nephew Tiberius Julius Alexander, who apostasized from his Jewish beliefs, became governor of Egypt, and participated in the campaign that led to the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE. Philo passionately defends Jewish belief in divine providence against the skeptical Alexander. At the end of the dialogue Alexander concedes victory to his uncle (Prov. 2.113), but this may well have been wishful thinking on Philo\u2019s part. In his introduction to On the Special Laws (3), Philo wistfully looks back on a time when he could devote his attention to philosophy and remain untouched by political cares (Spec. Laws 3.1\u20136). Here he is probably referring to the events leading up to the embassy, but they are also an indication of the dark clouds that were beginning to threaten the Jewish community in Alexandria during Philo\u2019s lifetime. The community found itself in an increasingly precarious situation, sandwiched between the educated Greek citizen body and the native Egyptian populace, both of whom were deeply hostile to Jews. Such social and ideological conflict, which could burst into open violence at any time, is the backdrop for Philo\u2019s writing.<\/p>\n
WORKS<\/p>\n
Philo was a prolific author. Almost 50 treatises by his hand have survived, amounting to about 2,500 pages of text. The best-known edition of his works in the Loeb Classical Library takes up no less than 12 volumes. Yet we know that at least a third of his writings have been lost. Moreover, not all of the extant works have survived in the original Greek; nine treatises, including the above-mentioned dialogues, are available only in a literal Armenian translation produced in Byzantium (present-day Istanbul) in the 6th century.
\nThe vast majority of Philo\u2019s writings are commentaries on Scripture, focusing almost exclusively on the Torah, translated into Greek (the Septuagint, LXX). These commentaries can be grouped into three lengthy series, discussed at more length below. In some cases Philo explains the same biblical text in all three series, allowing direct comparison of the different methods of scriptural interpretation that he used in each. They are:<\/p>\n
Allegorical Interpretation, which consists of 21 treatises. Here Philo gives a detailed and complex exposition of Gen. 1\u201317. Through the use of the exegetic technique of allegory, he interprets the early history of humanity and the life of the patriarch Abraham in terms of the moral life and religious quest of the soul.
\nExposition of the Law, in 10 books. This is a more varied work directed at a wider audience. It offers a detailed explanation of the Torah, or Law, in its broadest sense. It commences with an explanation of the Creation account in Gen. 1\u20133, which is seen as laying a philosophical basis for the Law. It then moves on to the patriarchs as living embodiments of the Law, before turning to detailed exposition of the Decalogue and the other ordinances of the Mosaic Law, with emphasis on both literal observance and symbolic interpretation. There is also an introductory account of the life of Moses in two books, which is best seen as an introduction to the whole series rather than as belonging specifically to the Exposition.
\nQuestions and Answers on Genesis and Exodus, comprising six books (four on Genesis and two on Exodus). Imperfectly preserved in Armenian, this presents questions and answers on the biblical text in its literary sequence. Most of the (usually) short chapters contain literal interpretation, followed by figurative (or allegorical) interpretation. The purpose of this work is to provide a kind of repository of exegetic material, to be used in teaching or perhaps in the synagogue.<\/p>\n
A small group of historical-apologetic treatises also survives. Two of these deal with the violence against the Jews in Alexandria in 38 CE and its aftermath. In a famous work titled On the Contemplative Life, Philo paints an intriguing portrait of a group of Jewish ascetics living in the countryside outside Alexandria. His corresponding work on the \u201cpractical\u201d life, describing the Essenes, has been lost, but fortunately we have a shorter chapter on the Essenes in another of Philo\u2019s works (Good Person 75\u201391). These works are of inestimable value because they draw a picture of Jewish life and thought outside Palestine at the height of Second Temple Judaism.
\nThe group of five philosophical treatises is most intriguing. Three of these have only survived in an Armenian translation, On Providence 1 and 2 and Whether Animals Have Reason. There is also a treatise on the indestructibility of the cosmos and one titled That Every Good Person Is Free. These works, which make virtually no reference to Scripture at all, provide us with much highly valuable source material on Hellenistic philosophy and are relevant to the concerns of a Jewish intellectual. This is particularly clear in the case of the theme of divine providence, which is the subject of two of the five works.<\/p>\n
PHILO\u2019S BIBLE<\/p>\n
Philo\u2019s writings contain a huge number of quotations from and references to the Jewish Bible. These have been collected together in a supplementary volume to the Biblia Patristica. This invaluable resource lists all the biblical quotations of the church fathers up to about 400 CE.
\nOf the 129 columns of references, 123 are to the first five books, ascribed in the tradition to Moses, and only 6 to the rest of the Bible, including the Psalms and Prophets. This remarkable imbalance certainly tells us something important about Philo, which may well also extend to the rest of Alexandrian Judaism. Scripture for Philo is primarily, if not exclusively, the Torah.
\nThe chief reason for Philo\u2019s focus on the Pentateuch is his great admiration for Moses. Philo is convinced that Moses was the author of the entire Torah, including the account of his death at the end, which Moses prophetically foresaw. At the beginning of his treatise on the biblical Creation account, On the Creation of the World, Philo introduces Moses to his readers as one who \u201cnot only had reached the very summit of philosophy, but had also been instructed in the many and most essential doctrines of nature by means of oracles\u201d (Creation 8). This quote, if read carefully, indicates Philo\u2019s double take on the origin of Scripture: On the one hand, God instructed Moses what to write, so that the authority of Scripture ultimately derives from God himself. But on the other, Moses is considered to be the divine instrument in formulating the writings that are transmitted under his name.
\nPhilo is convinced that these books, if read properly, contain all the wisdom and guidance that one needs to know in order to lead a good life, devoted to God. They represent a sacred text whose authority is paramount and unconditional. To some degree Philo tends to present Moses as a kind of Greek philosopher who founded a school of thought (hairesis), of which the Jewish people are disciples. This was a useful way of presenting the Jewish religion in the Greek intellectual context of Alexandria, especially since the Greeks had great respect for sages who lived long ago and left behind writings with great authority.
\nPhilo was of course well aware that Moses had written his books in Hebrew, or Chaldean, as he sometimes calls it. He himself, however, always refers to the Mosaic books of the Septuagint. As noted above, he wrote a biographical introduction to Moses and his writings in which he presents Moses under four headings: king (or leader), legislator, priest, and prophet. Moses\u2019s role as author of Scripture is discussed mainly under the second heading (though it is also relevant to the fourth). Philo gives a famous account of how the Torah was translated into Greek on the instigation of none other than King Ptolemy of Alexandria (Moses 2.25\u201344; see also The Letter of Aristeas). Philo believes that the LXX is an exact translation of the original Hebrew text. He himself was almost certainly unable to read the Hebrew Bible in the original; the divine authority of the LXX was for him an article of faith.<\/p>\n
PHILO\u2019S WAY OF READING THE BIBLE<\/p>\n
Most of Philo\u2019s writings are commentaries of differing kinds on the Torah. In them he makes crucial assumptions about the nature of the sacred text. For example, Moses writes nothing that is in any way superfluous; every word of his text, including all its names and numbers, is drenched with meaning, and that meaning is of direct relevance to people\u2019s lives.
\nFor Philo, the sacred text has literal meaning. The patriarchs were real people who lived long ago, and the Torah\u2019s injunctions for daily living are to be obeyed literally. He disagrees sharply with those contemporaries who argued that the Law had only symbolic significance (Migration 89\u201393). But his real interest is in the symbolic meaning of both the lives of the patriarchs and the regulations of the Torah. According to Philo, the wisdom of Scripture lies primarily in its hidden meaning, which can be uncovered only through the process of allegorical interpretation. He himself is famous (or notorious) for the complex systems of allegorical exegesis that he developed in response to the biblical text. For Philo, the patriarchs not only are humans who existed in history, but in a deeper sense stand for the soul in its relation to God. Abraham symbolizes the learning soul, Isaac the soul that is gifted by nature and is thus self-taught, Jacob the soul that strives for excellence and perfection through practice. The scheme behind this interpretation has its roots in Greek philosophy. Philo applies it to the Bible, and it allows him to discern spiritual depth in stories that on the surface may seem archaic or even alien.
\nPhilo\u2019s method of allegorical exegesis makes many of his writings difficult and even convoluted; the reader often needs guidance to follow the complex chains of thought. The aim of his method, however, is simple: to show that Scripture is relevant for the life of the soul in quest of God. Contributing to the complexity is the fact that Philo sometimes gives differing or even competing explanations of the same text. Such multiple exegesis has its roots in the school setting of Alexandrian Judaism. Generations of exegetes had interpreted the Bible before Philo and he is keen to record their efforts, though he never mentions any names. Perhaps he sensed that these opinions had to be preserved before they disappeared.<\/p>\n
PHILO\u2019S SIGNIFICANCE<\/p>\n
Without the evidence supplied by Philo\u2019s copious writings, our knowledge of this fascinating period in the history of Jewish life and thought would be severely impoverished. His significance is particularly great in the following areas:<\/p>\n
Philo gives us a substantial amount of information about Jewish life in Alexandria at the beginning of the Common Era. His record of political events fleshes out the accounts of Josephus to a considerable degree. He also informs us about various Jewish groups in the Diaspora. His accounts, however, are often annoyingly vague and general.
\nHe also tells us much about Jewish observance of the Law in his time. Certain practices that later became standard in Rabbinic Judaism are foreshadowed in Philo\u2019s writings. It is obvious that there was continuity between Judaism in Palestine and Judaism in the Diaspora. However, here too it is often hard to pin him down because he is commenting on the Bible and not explicitly describing contemporary practice. It is also likely that Philo was already acquainted with midrashic material that is recorded in Rabbinic texts.
\nBecause he quotes or paraphrases the LXX extensively in his works, Philo is a fundamental witness to the state of the biblical text in his time. His Bible is certainly not identical to the text as we have it today, but neither does he provide evidence for a separate edition that now has been lost.
\nHis writings are a crucial witness to the commentary tradition on the Greek Bible. His own exegesis, and especially his use of the allegorical method, is a unique product of Alexandrian Judaism. It also preserves evidence of other commentary traditions that preceded him.
\nPhilo testifies to an extensive interaction between Jewish culture and the dominant Greco-Roman culture of the Alexandria of his day. Nowhere did Jews adapt themselves to the dominant culture more than in this metropolis. A positive attitude to Greek cultural achievement is a hallmark of Alexandrian Judaism. Philo probably went further in this than most of his fellow Jews.
\nHe is also an important witness to the culture of early Imperial Alexandria aside from its links to Judaism. His command of the Greek language is outstanding, and the information he provides on Greek education, literature, science, and particularly philosophy is invaluable. He is a sharp observer, and even his observations of ancient sport incorporated in similes and metaphors have been considered informative by classical scholars.
\nPhilo was an exact contemporary of Jesus and an older contemporary of Paul. His writings form an important backdrop for the New Testament, even though Alexandria plays a limited role in that work. New Testament scholars have pored over Philo\u2019s works for centuries in an attempt to understand how the Christian religion grew out of Second Temple Judaism.<\/p>\n
PHILO\u2019S INFLUENCE<\/p>\n
Philo\u2019s writings had practically no influence on Judaism as it developed after the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE and the disastrous Jewish revolt in Egypt in 115\u2013117 CE. The Rabbis were not interested in Philo because his attitude toward Greek culture differed so strongly from their own, and medieval Judaism was unaware of his existence. As far as Judaism is concerned, his writings were rediscovered by the Italian Jew Azariah dei Rossi in the late 16th century. On the other hand his writings were warmly embraced by early Christian thinkers, who saw in him a kindred spirit. They were attracted to his use of the Greek Bible and the allegorical method, as well as to doctrines such as the transcendence of God, the creation of the cosmos, the Logos, and providence. They also found his accounts of the life and role of Moses useful for apologetic purposes.
\nThe early Christians preserved Philo\u2019s writings, first in Alexandria, and later in the libraries of Caesarea and Byzantium. Philo was regarded by Christian scholars as a \u201cgood Jew\u201d\u2014that is, one whose writings were acceptable to Christians\u2014and this reputation continued in the medieval period. Today both Jewish and Christian scholars carry out extensive research on his writings and thought, the results of which are distilled in the various contributions to these volumes.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Philo\u2019s writings are best consulted in the edition of the Loeb Classical Library:
\nPhilo: In Ten Volumes (and Two Supplementary Volumes). Translated by F. H. Colson, G. H. Whitaker, and R. Marcus. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1929\u20131962.<\/p>\n
There is an excellent anthology:
\nWinston, David. Philo of Alexandria, The Contemplative Life, The Giants, and Selections. The Classics of Western Spirituality. New York: Paulist Press, 1981.<\/p>\n
Three volumes have been published in the new Philo of Alexandria Commentary Series:
\nRunia, David T. Philo of Alexandria, On the Creation of the Cosmos according to Moses. Leiden: Brill, 2001.
\nvan der Horst, P. W. Philo\u2019s Flaccus: The First Pogrom. Leiden: Brill, 2003.
\nWilson, Walter T. Philo of Alexandria on Virtues: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Leiden: Brill, 2011.<\/p>\n
The best recent general introduction is:
\nBorgen, P. Philo of Alexandria: An Exegete for His Time. Leiden: Brill, 1997.<\/p>\n
For Philo\u2019s philosophical and theological thought, see:
\nWinston, D. Logos and Mystical Theology in Philo of Alexandria. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1985.<\/p>\n
For extensive use of Philo\u2019s evidence in an account of Second Temple Judaism, see:
\nSanders, E. P. Judaism: Practice and Belief, 63 BCE\u201366 CE. Philadelphia: Trinity, 1992.<\/p>\n
For Philo\u2019s reception in the Christian tradition, see:
\nRunia, D. T. Philo in Early Christian Literature: A Survey. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993.<\/p>\n
Josephus and His Writings<\/p>\n
Louis H. Feldman<\/p>\n
Titus Flavius Josephus, the important Jewish historian and prolific writer, provided us with our only detailed descriptions of Jewish history, politics, and culture of the Second Temple period, including first-hand accounts of the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE and the events leading up to the emergence of nascent Christianity and the early Diaspora.<\/p>\n
HIS LIFE<\/p>\n
Few scholars have been neutral in their judgment of the life of Josephus. In the 19th century Jewish and Christian scholars alike condemned him almost unanimously. Aside from Josephus\u2019s own autobiography and the references to his career in his Jewish War, the sources for his life are slight. Among pagan writers, Suetonius (Vespasian 5.6), Appian (frag. 17), and Cassius Dio (66.1) mention his prediction that Vespasian would become emperor, and Porphyry (De abstinentia et esu animaliums 4.11) cites Josephus\u2019s discussion of the three philosophical schools (Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes). Perhaps the Talmud\u2019s silence about him is due to the fact that he was an \u201coutsider.\u201d That said, an attempt has been made to find a hidden reference to him in minor talmudic tractates (Derek Eretz Rabbah 5, Pirke Ben Azzai 3) that mention a visit of several sages to a nameless (to be sure, pagan) philosopher in Rome who is seeking his intercession with the Emperor Domitian.
\nBorn in Jerusalem in 37 CE, Josephus was given the Hebrew name Joseph ben Mattityahu. In his autobiography, Life (2), he is proud of the fact that he was descended on his father\u2019s side from the first of the 24 courses of priests and on his mother\u2019s side from the Hasmonean kings. We know nothing of his life until the age of 14 (Life 8) except that he made great progress in his education and gained a reputation for such an excellent memory and understanding that he was universally consulted by the chief priests and leaders of Jerusalem for his precise information on the laws.
\nStarting at the age of 16, he spent three years gaining personal experience as a Pharisee, a Sadducee, and an Essene, after which, he says, he spent three years living with a hermit named Bannus. Finally, he began a political association with the Pharisees. At the age of 26 he went on a successful mission to Rome to gain the release of certain priests from prison. Though he had no military experience, two years later, at the beginning of the Jewish revolt against Rome, he was chosen by the revolutionary council in Jerusalem to be general in Galilee. There he eventually surrendered to the Romans; predicted that the general Vespasian would be chosen emperor; and received a tract of land outside Jerusalem, some sacred books, the liberation of some friends, Roman citizenship, lodging in the former palace of Vespasian, a pension, and other amenities.
\nIn Life (29), however, which tells the story at greater length, Josephus asserts that when he was appointed, the leaders in Jerusalem, who favored pacification, dispatched him to induce the rebels to fight only in self-defense. He pretended to agree with the rebels, while actually hoping that the Roman general, Cestius Gallus, would in the meantime quell the revolution. One wonders why Josephus, once appointed, did not undertake guerrilla warfare, as his Maccabean ancestors had done so successfully more than two centuries earlier, or why he did not retreat with his army to Jerusalem, which he knew was by far the best fortified of all the Jewish strongholds, rather than shut himself up in the tactically hopeless trap of Jotapata. The suspicion is strong that Josephus was playing a double role; and indeed he says in an extraordinarily candid passage (Life 72) that when the revolutionary John of Gischala had asked for the imperial grain in Galilee, so that he might secure the income he needed to construct defenses for Gischala, Josephus refused, saying that he intended to reserve the grain \u201ceither for the Romans or for my own use.\u201d Again, the fact that in the suicide pact with his men at Jotapata Josephus somehow managed to be among the last two to die has led to suspicions that he arranged the drawing of the lots. Indeed, the Slavonic version (War 3.391), which hardly seeks to discredit Josephus, states quite explicitly that \u201che counted the numbers with cunning and thereby misled them all.\u201d<\/p>\n
HIS WORKS<\/p>\n
Josephus\u2019s earliest work, the Jewish War, in seven books, was originally written in Aramaic, though nothing remains of that version. In 79\u201381 CE Josephus himself translated it into Greek, with the aid of some assistants. His magnum opus is his Jewish Antiquities, completed in 93\u201394, in 20 books covering the span of history from Creation to the outbreak of the revolution against the Romans. Life defends his action as general in Galilee; and his Against Apion, in two books, written shortly thereafter, refutes the charges of anti-Semites, notably that the Jews are actually of recent origin, that they worship the head of an ass in the Temple, and that they practice ritual murder.
\nThough we have 133 manuscripts in whole or in part of the Greek text of Josephus, the earliest dates from as late as the 10th or 11th century, a full 1,000 years after their composition. Only one brief papyrus fragment (War 2.576\u201379, 582\u201384), dating from the 3rd century CE, remains. The many discrepancies between it and the manuscripts suggest that the manuscripts are not completely accurate.<\/p>\n
JOSEPHUS THE HISTORIAN<\/p>\n
The importance of Josephus as an historian may be gauged by comparing what we know about the century before the end of the first Jewish insurrection against the Romans with the little we know about the century thereafter. In view of the fact that we have so little historical information about this period in Rabbinic writings and in the works of non-Jewish writers, Josephus\u2019s information is quite important. It is of particular value because of his claim (which has surely been debated) that he is a critical historian who found fault with other historians (whose works, unfortunately, no longer exist). Josephus has indeed supplied us with a detailed account of the events leading to the Jewish insurrection and to the destruction of the Second Temple, but we have no such historian for the succeeding events. It is no exaggeration to say, for example, that we have more information from his writings about the infamous Herod than about any other figure in Greek or Roman antiquity\u2014even Alexander the Great or Julius Caesar.<\/p>\n
HIS SIGNIFICANCE AS A WRITER<\/p>\n
Josephus, however, is much more than a historian. His significance is particularly great in the following areas:<\/p>\n
Inasmuch as he presents us with a paraphrase of the Bible, he is an important early witness to the biblical text whose paraphrase can be compared not only with the Hebrew Masoretic Text (MT) and the Septuagint (LXX) in its various versions, but also with the Dead Sea Scroll fragments. His importance for our knowledge of the biblical canon is particularly great because our other sources, such as the LXX, are either fraught with incredibly complex problems of their own; sectarian, such as the texts of the Samaritans or the Dead Sea Scrolls; or were written later, such as the Talmud or the writings of the church fathers.
\nJosephus represents one of the earliest extant stages in the history of the midrashic tradition, and his works can be compared not only with the later targumim and midrashim, but also with the writings of Philo, other Greco-Jewish writers, the Apocrypha, the Pseudepigrapha, Pseudo-Philo\u2019s Book of Biblical Antiquities and other writings, and the Dead Sea Scroll\u2019s Genesis Apocryphon.
\nHe is one of the earliest witnesses to the Jewish halakhic (legal) tradition, perhaps a century later than the Dead Sea Temple Scroll, somewhat later than Philo\u2019s On Special Laws, and earlier by a century than the recorded Mishnah.
\nHe presents by far our fullest account of the momentous change in the history of Judaism, including its enormous success in winning converts, which led Judasim from its biblical phase to its Rabbinic era.
\nHis works, along with some Samaritan inscriptions and papyri and the Dead Sea Scrolls, are our fullest account of the development of sectarian movements in Judaism\u2014Samaritanism, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, the Essenes, and the revolutionary Fourth Philosophy.
\nThe period Josephus covers in such detail is the era just before and during the emergence of Christianity and hence is crucial for an understanding of the infant years of this new religious group.
\nJosephus is the archaeologist\u2019s chief guide in the process of recreating the economic, social, political, and cultural life of Judea, particularly for the two centuries before the destruction of the Second Temple.
\nAnd he is our chief guide for the economic, social, political, cultural, and religious life of the Diaspora during this period, particularly in Egypt, Asia Minor, Syria, Babylonia, and Rome.
\nHe occupies an important place in the history of Greek and Roman historiography, a link in the joining of the Isocratean and Aristotelian schools.
\nJosephus is an important source for much of Greek, Roman, and Parthian political and military history (for example, he gives us a far fuller account of the assassination of the Roman emperor Caligula and the accession of Claudius than any other writer).
\nHe is by far our most important source for the relations between Jews and non-Jews, including in particular the phenomena of anti-Semitism and philo-Semitism during the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
\nAs the author of the first extant autobiography from antiquity, he is important for establishing the canon of this genre, which was to culminate in Augustine\u2019s Confessions.
\nAn important source for Greek vocabulary and grammar of the Hellenistic period, Josephus uses this knowledge to shed great light on our understanding of the writings of the period, notably those of Philo, the New Testament, and papyri.<\/p>\n
JOSEPHUS\u2019S SOURCES FOR HIS BIBLICAL PARAPHRASE<\/p>\n
Josephus seems to have had access to three textual traditions for the Bible (Hebrew, Greek, and Aramaic), and his use of one or more of these texts appears to have varied from book to book as he paraphrased the Bible. What complicates the matter is that apparently a number of divergent Greek and Hebrew biblical texts were extant in Josephus\u2019s time, as we see in the LXX, the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the Dead Sea manuscripts.
\nIn his autobiography (Life 7\u20138) he tells us that he was born and raised in Jerusalem and that at an early age he made such great progress in his education that he far excelled his compatriots in Jewish learning, which was presumably centered on knowledge of the Torah in Hebrew. Consequently, he knew the Hebrew text well, and he regarded it as having been unalterably fixed long before he came along (Ag. Ap. 1.42). It is hard, however, to prove at any given point what text Josephus relied on, since he was usually paraphrasing and elaborating rather than translating. We must not discount the possibility that he is perhaps following a Jewish tradition independent of both the MT and the LXX, as we may infer from his agreement with Pseudo-Philo, even in some places where its views are found neither in the MT nor in the LXX. The fact that the Talmud, the targumim, and the midrashim continue to show latitude in their quotations from the Bible for centuries thereafter indicates that the text of the Bible was still being debated.
\nSince Josephus was writing in Greek, he would naturally have been inclined to employ a Greek text of the Bible. Nevertheless, one would a priori expect him to have shied away from using the LXX, notwithstanding Pseudo-Longinus\u2019s compliment in his On the Sublime (9.9), because it is stylistically inferior to the classical authors whom Josephus knew so well (Herodotus, the tragedians, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and, above all, Thucydides) and because it would be readily understood only by those who already were acquainted with the Bible in its original language. The fact that he paraphrased the Bible in Greek would in any case seem to indicate that he hoped to improve on the LXX; otherwise there would hardly have been much point in a new version. Hence, it is only where the style of the LXX is more polished, as in the Additions to Esther or in 1 Esdras, that one would expect him to adhere to its text.
\nAn Aramaic targum is a third possibility for the source of Josephus\u2019s paraphrase. Aramaic was in all probability Josephus\u2019s primary language, as it was for the Jews generally in Palestine at his time. While it is true that the earliest extant targum for the Pentateuch, that of Onkelos, dates from the 2nd century CE, there can be little doubt that the practice of translating the Bible into the Aramaic vernacular in the synagogue was much older. The fact that the origin of the targum of Onkeles is attributed to Ezra (5th century BCE) by Rav (3rd century CE, Megillah 3a) meant that in later centuries, at least according to the Rabbinic tradition, it had the sanctity associated with the great name of Ezra. If Josephus is much freer in vocabulary, style, order, and content in his rendering of biblical material in books 1\u20135 of Jewish Antiquities, where he is paraphrasing the Pentateuch, Joshua, and Judges, than he is in books 6\u201311, this may be due to the availability of targumim for these earlier books.<\/p>\n
SALIENT FEATURES OF JOSEPHUS\u2019S PARAPHRASE OF THE BIBLE<\/p>\n
As an historian Josephus is careful and consistent in his approach. The most striking feature, however, of his paraphrase of the Bible in his Jewish Antiquities is his insistence (Ant. 1.17) that he will neither add to nor omit anything from the biblical narrative; and yet he takes liberties, and often very considerable liberties, with the biblical text. We may note the following factors that influenced him in doing so:<\/p>\n
Defense of the Jews against charges of misanthropy and dual loyalty by his primarily non-Jewish audience;
\nA cryptic prediction, addressed to Jews, of the forthcoming fall of the Roman Empire;
\nConcern with the contemporary problem of assimilation and intermarriage;
\nSpecial regard, as a proud priest, for the priesthood and for the Temple in Jerusalem;
\nInsistence that his biblical heroes are fully comparable to pagan heroes in their good birth, precociousness, handsome stature, wealth, wisdom, courage, temperance, justice, respect for truth, humanity, mercy, hospitality, gratefulness, generosity, and piety;
\nRespect for law and order and for the concept of a just war; contempt for the masses, for demagogues, and for the revolutionaries of his day; and abhorrence of civil strife;
\nRealistic attitude and even high regard for the superpower of the day and loyalty to the rulers;
\nOpposition to messianic and messianic-like movements; and de-emphasis on God\u2019s role in history and on miracles;
\nTolerance and respect toward non-Jews and especially non-Jewish leaders and non-Jewish religions; and concern to refute the view that Jews are busybodies and are aggressively seeking converts;
\nEvents, notably in his remarks about the biblical Flood (Ant. 1.93\u201395);
\nRomance, particularly in his treatment of the Esther narrative;
\nWomen, particularly in his downgrading of Deborah and of Queen Salome Alexandra; Prediction (Ant. 10.210);
\nIntermarriage, particularly in his treatment of Samson and Solomon;
\nJerusalem, as seen in his defense of God\u2019s action in choosing Aaron rather than Moses as first high priest (Ant. 3.190).<\/p>\n
JOSEPHUS\u2019S INFLUENCE<\/p>\n
In view of all this, it is not surprising that during the Middle Ages Josephus was regarded as an authority in such diverse fields as biblical exegesis, chronology, arithmetic (a popular mathematical problem, the so-called Josephus-spiel, was based on how he might have arranged the lots so that he and one of his men would be the last ones chosen to commit suicide), astronomy, natural history, grammar, etymology, and Jewish theology; and, through the Testimonium Flavianum (Ant. 18.63\u201364), the authenticity of which has been much debated, he was considered the most crucial non-Christian witness to the life, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus, and the responsibility of the Jews for his death. Moreover, his work served as the chief guide to the sites of the Holy Land for pilgrims and Crusaders; his works were even permitted to be read during Lent at the monastery of Cluny. In the period from 1450 to 1700, more editions of Josephus\u2019s Jewish Antiquities and Jewish War were published than of any other Greek work. Because of his data on the background of the birth of Christianity, he played a key role in the controversies of the Reformation and in the readmission of the Jews to England under Cromwell.
\nIn more recent times, the translation of Josephus into English by Whiston in 1737 has been reprinted 217 times and this translation has very often occupied a place on the shelves of non-Jewish English-speaking people between the Jewish Scriptures and the New Testament, since Josephus spans particularly that period. Indeed, among the strictest English Protestants in the early 18th century only the Bible and Josephus were permitted to be read on Sundays. In fact, the earliest book by a Jewish author (other than the Bible) printed in the United States was L\u2019Estrange\u2019s translation of the Jewish War, in 1719; and the second book of Jewish authorship to be printed in the United States was Morvvyn\u2019s English translation of Josippon, the Hebrew paraphrase of the Jewish War.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Bilde, Per. Flavius Josephus between Jerusalem and Rome: His Life, His Works, and Their Importance. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988.
\nFeldman, Louis H. Josephus and Modern Scholarship (1937\u201380). Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. Josephus\u2019s Interpretation of the Bible. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. Studies in Josephus\u2019 Rewritten Bible. Leiden: Brill, 1998.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. Flavius Josephus: Judean Antiquities 1\u20134. Leiden: Brill, 2000.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014 and Hata, Gohei, eds. Josephus, the Bible, and History. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989.
\nRajak, Tessa. Josephus: The Historian and His Society. 2nd ed. London: Duckworth, 2002.
\nSchwartz, Seth. Josephus and Judaean Politics. Leiden: Brill, 1990.
\nThackeray, Henry St. J. Josephus, the Man and the Historian. New York: Jewish Institute of Religion, 1929.<\/p>\n
The Dead Sea Scrolls<\/p>\n
Lawrence H. Schiffman<\/p>\n
The term \u201cDead Sea Scrolls\u201d refers to the collection of manuscript finds from the caves of Qumran, on the shore of the Dead Sea, 10 miles south of Jericho. They were discovered between 1947 and 1956 in 11 different caves, which were located in Jordan until the Six Day War of 1967, when they came into the possession of Israel. Carbon 14 dating and paleography (the study of the scripts) have determined these scrolls to be about 2000 years old. While some were quite long, most of them have only survived as fragments.
\nBelow the caves on the plateau is the settlement of Qumran. Most scholars believe that this building complex housed the people who collected the Scrolls. They are most often identified with a Jewish sect known as the Essenes; the sect probably inhabited this site from about 100 BCE to 68 CE (see Josephus\u2019s account in his Jewish War).
\nThe Dead Sea Scrolls\u2014the earliest Hebrew and Aramaic Jewish documents composed after the books of the Hebrew Bible\u2014are our main source of information about the religious history of Judaism between the close of the Bible (ca. 400 BCE) and the compilation and editing of the Mishnah (ca. 220 CE). Little other contemporary information about this period exists. Therefore, from these ancient texts it is possible to learn a great deal about the history of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple period and about the Jewish background of early Christianity.<\/p>\n
DISCOVERY AND PUBLICATION<\/p>\n
At the end of the 19th century Solomon Schechter, then at the University of Cambridge, was alerted to old manuscripts in a synagogue attic in Cairo. This storehouse of old Hebrew texts is known as the Cairo Genizah. When Schechter examined the manuscripts, he found two puzzling texts that appeared to be from an ancient sect. He called them the Zadokite Fragments, and these same texts were later found also at Qumran.
\nIn 1947 a Bedouin herdsman located Cave 1 of Qumran. The first seven scrolls he discovered were written on animal skins, wrapped in linen and placed in large storage jars. These scrolls divided into two lots: one was sold to Khalil Iskander (Kando), a Bethlehem merchant, who sold them to Professor Eleazer Sukenik, who bought them for the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The others were sold to Athanasius Samuel, and the Syrian Metropolitan of Jerusalem, and later purchased for the Hebrew University of Jerusalem by Yigael Yadin, professor of archaeology. While archaeologists excavated Qumran, the Bedouin continued to search for scrolls, and sold them through Kando to the Palestine Archaeological Museum (now the Rockefeller Museum). Eventually some 900 manuscripts were identified, broken into some 80,000 fragments. With the exception of some manuscripts in private hands, most of the scrolls are in the Shrine of the Book of the Israel Museum and in the Rockefeller Museum in East Jerusalem. One unique text, the Copper Scroll, the text of which is actually beaten onto a copper sheet, remains in Jordan.
\nAfter the discovery of the fragments, an international team of scholars was constituted in Jordan to piece them together and publish the texts and translations. The team was active until the early 1960s, but clearly the enormous amount of work involved was too much for them. The team continued to work on its own, withholding the scrolls from the view of outside scholars. In 1967 Israel took control of the Rockefeller Museum, where the majority of the scrolls were located. When the team still failed to publish their manuscripts by the early 1990s, the Israel Department of Antiquities came under international pressure to act. Subsequently it ended the monopoly by allowing any scholar access to the scrolls, appointing a new editor in chief, and increasing the members of the international team. The appointment of a new editorial team hastened the publication of the texts, all of which became available in transcription and translation by 2002. Today any fragment that can be read, even ones containing only a few letters, appears in the official publication, Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, published by Oxford University Press, and in other editions. And there are other photographs and editions online that anyone can access.<\/p>\n
THE NATURE OF THE SCROLLS<\/p>\n
The contents of the scrolls contain many literary genres (such as biblical commentaries, liturgy, prayer texts, and sectarian documents), divided into three sections: biblical books; other literature of Second Temple times, often called apocryphal or pseudepigraphical works; and the literature of the sect itself. In addition, tefillin (phylacteries) and mezuzot (small scrolls affixed to the doorpost) have been found at Qumran. A few fragments were written on papyrus, and some texts appear in Greek or Aramaic, although the largest part is in Hebrew\u2014in a Hebrew dialect that only the Qumran sect used.
\nHow did this particular group of documents find their way to the Qumran caves? Most scholars agree that the Scrolls were probably gathered together by a sectarian group occupying the building complex at Qumran, adjacent to the caves. They were composed over a very long period. The earliest compositions are ancient biblical materials such as the Torah\u2014the Five Books of Moses. The collection also includes texts written at various times during the Hellenistic period, from the 4th century BCE on. It is widely recognized that most of the Aramaic documents found at Qumran were composed before the sect even came into being and then were imported to Qumran after the sect occupied the settlement. Scholars have come to terms such texts \u201cpre-Qumranian.\u201d
\nWe must carefully distinguish between the dates the texts were composed and the dates they were copied. The documents were written over many centuries, from the earliest days of Israelite history (before 1000 BCE) through the end of the Second Temple period (70 CE). They were gathered into the Qumran collection between approximately 150 BCE and 68 CE, when the Qumran settlement came to an end. The date of composition is critical to an understanding of their context and helps us identify the historical allusions concealed in some of the texts. Other compositions, if ordered chronologically, can help us construct the development of the thought of this unusual sect.
\nAlthough a few of the Qumran texts were copied as early as the 3rd century BCE, most were copied between the 2nd century BCE and the early 1st century CE. Indeed, this was the heyday of the sect and its building complex at Qumran. The community was most probably destroyed at the hands of the Romans in 68 CE as part of the military campaign to crush the Great Revolt of the Jews against Rome (66\u201373 CE).
\nThe collection itself can best be described as a library. A large percentage of the scrolls come from Cave 4, an artificially hewn cave only a five-minute walk from the buildings that served as the center of sectarian activity. Judging from the regularly spaced rows of holes found in the cave walls, we can infer that the cave had wooden shelves of some type. When the cave was abandoned, the shelves eventually rotted and collapsed, leaving the scrolls on the floor of the cave. This explains their damaged and fragmentary condition. Fortunately, other scrolls survived with little damage in neighboring caves, some in protective jars, apparently placed there to save them from destruction shortly before the conquest of Jerusalem by the Romans.
\nAs in any library, the collection contains a wide variety of works valued by its owners, not simply books composed and copied by them. Accordingly, the Qumran caves have yielded information on the views held by the sect and their opponents, as well as those of related, but not identical, groups in the complex landscape of Second Temple Judaism. For this reason, not only do the scrolls let us reconstruct the views of those who gathered them, but they also shed light on a variety of trends in ancient Judaism.
\nAt this point, we must dispel some erroneous theories about the Scrolls. First, they are not the library of the Jerusalem Temple. Clearly, if there is anything that unifies this collection, it is its owners\u2019 opposition to the practices and procedures of the Temple in the hands of the priestly leadership. Second, the Scrolls are not the documents of an early Christian sect. Contrary to claims by certain sensationalists, the documents never mention Jesus, John the Baptist, or James the Just, the \u201cbrother\u201d of Jesus. In fact, carbon-14 testing and paleography\u2014the study of the shapes of the Hebrew letters\u2014confirm that all the material was composed before the rise of the early church, so that the Dead Sea Scrolls cannot refer to those events. Further, the Scrolls in no way reflect Christian beliefs.<\/p>\n
WHAT THE SCROLLS TEACH US<\/p>\n
As stated earlier, the Scrolls are our primary source of information about the history of Judaism between the canonization of the Bible and the Mishnah, the period that witnessed the rise of Rabbinic Judaism. They also give us glimpses into the Jewish background of early Christianity.
\nThe formation of the Scrolls sect coincides with the aftermath of the Maccabean Revolt. When the victorious Hasmonean rulers (Judah the Maccabee\u2019s family) adopted the rulings of the Pharisees (forerunners of the talmudic Rabbis) regarding the conduct of the Temple in about 152 BCE, the loyal opposition\u2014a band of pious Sadducees\u2014left Jerusalem and retreated to the desert, taking up residence at Qumran. The scrolls were gathered at Qumran by this sect.
\nOur primary source about the Sadducean origins of the sect is an extremely important text known as the Halakhic Letter (Miktzat Ma\u2019ase ha- torah, or more simply, 4QMMT, which may be translated as Some Precepts of the Torah). From that text we have discovered that the religious legal tradition of the Dead Sea sect was primarily Sadducean. Knowing this, we can begin to reconstruct from the Scrolls the nature of this priestly group\u2019s system of biblical interpretation and law, of which we knew almost nothing before. Further, it is now clear that the Dead Sea sect underwent a gradual process of development and radicalization, transforming it into the community we recognize from the sectarian scrolls. Although this community is identified as Essene, many scholars, myself included, maintain that the term \u201cEssenes\u201d encompasses a much wider movement than this one particular sect.
\nThe Halakhic Letter, along with the text known as the Temple Scroll, contains many polemical arguments against the Pharisees. Such arguments help us to deduce numerous Pharisaic legal teachings and prove that many laws enshrined in the Mishnah in about 220 CE already existed in the Hasmonean period. Other texts enable us to expand on the history of the Pharisees already known from Josephus and from Rabbinic traditions. And this is only a small part of what we can learn from the Qumran scrolls about the major Jewish sects in Second Temple times.
\nIn the documents specific to the Qumran sect itself, we find evidence of a highly dualistic Judaism, dividing individuals into predestined lots of good and evil. Evildoers were to be destroyed at the End of Days, expected to dawn immediately. The sect organized itself in preparation for this messianic period, closely studying the Bible for guidance and strictly adhering to Jewish law as they interpreted it.
\nThe sect also gathered the texts of related groups, placing them in its library along with approximately 225 biblical texts. Those other compositions, some previously known, others unknown, were preserved here in the original Hebrew or Aramaic. Numerous prayer texts, those of either the sect or other groups of Jews, were also preserved, as were tefillin and mezuzot, which are quite similar to those in use today.<\/p>\n
BIBLICAL BOOKS<\/p>\n
All books known to us from the Hebrew Bible are represented in the Dead Sea Scrolls, some in only tiny fragments, except for the book of Esther. Esther might be absent on ideological grounds, or a manuscript of it just did not survive. The most well preserved are Isaiah A and the Temple Scroll.
\nThe texts of these books are very similar to modern Bibles, although there are some variants, attesting to the fluidity of the text in the Second Temple period. Various types of Bibles have been noted: one very similar to the traditional Hebrew (the Masoretic Text), in use today in modern Bibles; a text that served as the basis for the Septuagint translation; and Bibles that resemble the Samaritan Pentateuch. Numerous manuscripts reflect mixed texts with various features. Within 100 years or so after Qumran, the text was greatly standardized and variants removed.<\/p>\n
APOCRYPHAL AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHICAL BOOKS<\/p>\n
Additional compositions, not in the biblical canon, were in the possession of general readers of the time. Known as Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, some of these writings were discovered at Masada, located south of Qumran on the western shore of the Dead Sea as well. They include books like Jubilees, Wisdom of Ben Sira, and Enoch, some of which had survived in Greek or Latin, or Ethiopic, but were unknown in the original Hebrew or Aramaic.<\/p>\n
SECTARIAN LITERATURE<\/p>\n
The sect, often identified with the Essenes known from Josephus, possessed many literary genres. First and foremost, they composed the rules by which one might become a member of the sect, and they described the daily routines of the members. Infractions of the rules resulted in punishments. There were many legal texts dealing with the proper way of observing the Sabbath and holidays, the operations of the courts and judges, relations with non-Jews, and other legal topics. The sect prayed together and ate at a communal table. They also maintained ritual purity for which they built many mikvaot (ritual bathing pools) to cleanse body and soul. Their hymns and liturgical compositions were recited on a daily basis, while others were reserved for special occasions. Introspective religious poetry, biblical commentaries, mystical visions, and a description of the war at the End of Days are some of the genres featured in the scrolls. The Copper Scroll is unique because it purports to be a guide to a hidden treasure somewhere in the Judean Desert.
\nThe beliefs of the sect included antagonism to anyone outside the sect. Such people were sinners who had perverted the word of the LORD and broken His covenant. The sect was the true Israel and a substitute for the Temple of Jerusalem, which the sect would not visit because it was, in their opinion, polluted by not operating according to the dictates of sectarian law. In fact, the halakhic (Jewish legal) disputes that the sectarians had with the Jerusalem establishment are detailed in Q4MMT. The laws of the Qumranites tended to be most like the Sadducees, of all the sects known from this time.
\nQ4MMT has been called a foundation document of the sect because after it was circulated, the sectarians left Jerusalem where they despaired of seeing their reforms carried out, and settled in Qumran. There they waited for the End of Days, and the great eschatological war in which all sinners would be eliminated. The righteous of the sect would then reconstitute the Temple according to their own ideals and live on to bask in the Messianic Age. Until that day, the sectarians had to maintain pure, strictly halakhic lives. Their laws and rituals were established by the sectarian assembly, a hierarchical institution that determined what the law demanded through inspired biblical exegesis. The sect also had a hierarchy of officers and ranks in the eschatological army. When the apocalypse occurred, the sectarians, with the help of the angels, would fight against all heavenly and earthly opponents and inaugurate the Messianic Age. Two messiahs would be present, the messiah of Aaron and the messiah of Israel, religious and political leaders, respectively.
\nVarious Qumran manuscripts contain a solar calendar. Not only did the sect reject the luni-solar calendar used by other Jews, but they added their own holidays to the biblical festivals. They practiced communal use of property, which members brought into the sect. Although some scholars had posited that the membership was celibate, the texts often speak of women, the state of marriage, how old one must be to get married, etc., so it is unlikely that the sect renounced marriage and procreation.<\/p>\n
THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS SPEAK TO US TODAY<\/p>\n
The Dead Sea Scrolls offer us more than obscure knowledge about ancient history and antiquarian curiosities. They have come to life anew in our own day, specifically because they indirectly address issues confronting us in our own times. This in large measure explains the intense public interest in the Scrolls and in the scholars who study them.
\nThe Scrolls speak to us across the centuries about the issue of pluralism in Judaism. Through them, we get a glimpse of an era characterized by several competing approaches to Judaism, each claiming a monopoly on the true interpretation of the Torah. All these approaches, with the exception of the extreme Hellenizers, demanded observance of the Torah\u2019s commandments. (The extreme Hellenizers, however, embraced Greek culture to the extent that they actually identified the God of Israel with Zeus and allowed pagan influences even in their religious practices.) These approaches differed only on certain theological issues and the particular rulings of the Law and its interpretation. Although their disputes are different from those dividing our communities today, we can benefit by studying how these groups interacted with each other and negotiated their diverse approaches.
\nThe Scrolls could also help us clarify the relationship of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel. As with every major archaeological find in Israel today, the discovery of these ancient scrolls ties contemporary Jews to their past through the land, for it was there that so much of ancient Jewish history took place, and it is there that the future of the Jewish people is now being shaped. As archaeology rediscovers the past, it is also creating the present. The issues that the Scrolls raise\u2014God, Torah, messiah, holiness\u2014still powerfully resonate as the modern State of Israel gropes toward its own identity.
\nFinally, the Scrolls can help to forge better relations between Jewish and Christian communities. Now, after two millennia of strife, the two faiths, so deeply linked by common origins, are establishing a new relationship in the aftermath of the Holocaust. Here the Scrolls speak to us again, showing precisely how Christianity emerged from currents in ancient Judaism, much more widespread in the period than we previously imagined.
\nThe Dead Sea Scrolls are important to the history of Judaism in that they are a snapshot of what Jewish law and belief were like in the immediate postbiblical period. They also illustrate the origins of mysticism, apocalypticism, and messianism\u2014seminal ideas that were carried forth in later Rabbinic Judaism and into the Christian milieu of the New Testament. Through the Scrolls we can observe the role of local texts, the sources of ancient translations, and the process of standardization. Their use of the Hebrew language is a goldmine for an understanding of the linguistic development that took place between the end of the Bible period and the Mishnaic period. They truly afford a glimpse into the development of Western religion in these most formative years.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Abegg, Martin Jr., Peter Flint, and Eugene Ulrich, eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls Bible. New York: HarperCollins, 1999.
\nCharlesworth, James H., ed. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. 7 vols. to date. T\u00fcbingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck); Louisville KY: John Knox, 1994. In Discoveries in the Judean Desert (DJD) series, 40 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1955\u20132009.
\nGarc\u00eda Mart\u00ednez, Florentino, and E. J. C. Tigchelaar, eds. and trans. Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1997.
\nLim, Timothy, and John J. Collins, eds. The Oxford Handbook of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.
\nParry, Donald W., and Emanuel Tov, eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls Reader. 6 vols. Leiden: Brill, 2004.
\nSchiffman, Lawrence H., and James C. VanderKam, eds. Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls. 2 vols. Oxford: University Press, 2000.
\nSchiffman, Lawrence H. Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls: The History of Judaism, the Background of Christianity, the Lost Library of Qumran. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995.
\nVanderKam, James C., and Peter Flint. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2002.
\nVermes, Geza. The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English. New York: Allen Lane, Penguin, 1997.
\nWise, Michael, Martin Abegg, and Edward Cook. The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1996; rpt. 1999.<\/p>\n
The Bible Translated into Greek (The Septuagint)<\/p>\n
Introduction to the Septuagint Selections<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
The text selections that follow, from the Septuagint (LXX), the Greek translation of the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), are portions of ten books of the Bible and of one apocryphal book, 1 Esdras, which is not found in the Hebrew Bible but is in the LXX. The commentary accompanying the text provides a partial commentary on the content and highlights the differences between Greek and Hebrew Scripture.
\nA commentary on the LXX is somewhat unusual in scholarship, since we are used to commentaries mostly on the MT. However, to some scholars the LXX is as important as the MT, and in antiquity it was considered just as much Holy Scripture as the traditional Hebrew text. For more on the Septuagint itself, see the essay \u201cThe Septuagint,\u201d elsewhere in these volumes. Some of the discrepancies between the LXX and the MT were created when the Greek translators used ancient Hebrew scrolls that differed from the traditional Hebrew text, sometimes to a great extent. In other cases translators inserted their own views in the translation. And still others \u201cdoctored\u201d the Hebrew in an attempt to improve it, shortening, expanding, or changing the content.
\nIn many cases it is not clear if the translators changed their Hebrew text or if they worked with different Hebrew readings. However, in several instances, such as Deut. 32:43, Jeremiah, and many parts of 1 Samuel, we do know the Hebrew source of the translation. In other details it is probable that the translator worked from the same Hebrew text, as that included in the Samaritan Pentateuch. The nature of the commentary that follows is determined by the character of the translation and the differences between the Greek and the Hebrew Bibles. Some selections allow for a description of the translators\u2019 theology, their slight rewriting of biblical stories, and their views on a given chapter. But often the commentary dwells on the nature of the particular Hebrew text that the translator used and how it differs from the MT. Some selections consist of intriguing stories, while others deal with dry lists or technical descriptions. The description of the procedure followed in the Levitical cities in Josh. 20, for instance, requires a greater number of technical comments than other selections.
\nThe texts were selected to illustrate the various types of differences between the Greek and Hebrew Bibles. Only a few sections from the Torah are included because the Greek translation of the Torah is quite similar to its Hebrew counterpart. The only Torah sections here are a list of the ages of the patriarchs (a so-called genealogy) in Gen. 11 and the end of the Song of Moses (Deut. 32:43). Selections from the historical books include two chapters in Joshua, but there is none from Judges, since Judges in the LXX is very close to the MT. The major differences between the historical books in Hebrew and Greek are well illustrated by five selections here from Samuel and Kings. Of the three Major Prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel) only Jeremiah is included because only it differs in major ways from Hebrew Scripture. None of the twelve Minor Prophets are here since they do not differ from the MT in any special way. From among the Writings, Proverbs and Job stand out for their Hebrew\u2013Greek discrepancies, as do the books of Esther and Daniel.<\/p>\n
Genesis 11<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
Genesis 11:10\u201332 in the Septuagint (LXX) stands alone in presenting 10 generations of patriarchs from Shem to Terah, the father of Abram, (see the comment below on v. 13). In addition, the LXX differs from the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT) and the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP) in many genealogical details. The LXX is closer to the SP than to the MT. The list of patriarchs in these three texts provides two sets of numbers, giving the age of each patriarch at the birth of his firstborn and the number of years the patriarch lived afterward. There is a certain pattern to the differences between the sources regarding the patriarchs\u2019 ages at the births of their firstborns (see the table here). The main difference is that the LXX and the SP usually add 100 years (50 in the case of Nahor) to the age given in the MT version. All other ancient translations (the Targumim, Peshitta, Vulgate, and later Greek translations) agree with the MT; however, the chronology of Jubilees mainly reflects that of the SP, and the chronological system of Josephus in his Jewish Antiquities mostly agrees with that of the LXX.
\nSince the Greek translator of Genesis usually represents his underlying Hebrew text faithfully, it stands to reason that he translated from a text that differed quite a bit from the MT in Gen. 11. The partial agreement between the LXX and the SP supports this view since the latter is in Hebrew. It is hard to determine whether the LXX version preceded that of the MT, was translated from the MT but changed it, or was independent from it altogether. In any event, the chronological data in the LXX must be taken into consideration when interpreting this chapter of Genesis.<\/p>\n
T.1 Chronological Differences among the Sources
\nGenesis 11:10\u201332: Ages of the Patriarchs at the Birth of Their Firstborn
\nName
\nMT
\nSP
\nLXX
\nShem (v. 10)
\n100
\n100
\n100
\nArpachshad (v. 12)
\n35
\n135
\n135
\nKenan II (v. 13)
\n130
\nShelah (v. 14)
\n30
\n130
\n130
\nEber (v. 16)
\n34
\n134
\n134
\nPeleg (v. 18)
\n30
\n130
\n130
\nReu (v. 20)
\n32
\n132
\n132
\nSerug (v. 22)
\n30
\n130
\n130
\nNahor (v. 24)
\n29
\n79
\n79
\nTerah (v. 26)
\n70
\n70
\n70<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Hendel, Ronald S. The Text of Genesis 1\u201311: Textual Studies and Critical Edition, 61\u201380. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
10And these are the generations of Sem [Shem]: Sem was a son of one hundred years when he became the father of Arphaxad [Arpachshad], in the second year after the flood. 11And Sem lived after he became the father of Arphaxad five hundred years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n12And Arphaxad lived one hundred thirty-five years and became the father of Kainan. 13And Arphaxad lived after he became the father of Kainan four hundred thirty years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\nAnd Kainan lived one hundred thirty years and became the father of Sala [Shelah]. And Kainan lived after he became the father of Sala three hundred thirty years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n14And Sala lived one hundred thirty years and became the father of Eber. 15And Sala lived after he became the father of Eber three hundred thirty years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n16And Eber lived one hundred thirty-four years and became the father of Phalek [Peleg]. 17And Eber lived after he became the father of Phalek three hundred seventy years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n18And Phalek lived one hundred thirty years and became the father of Ragau [Reu]. 19And Phalek lived after he became the father of Ragau two hundred nine years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n20And Ragau lived one hundred thirty-two years and became the father of Serouch [Serug]. 21And Ragau lived after he became the father of Serouch two hundred seven years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n22And Serouch lived one hundred thirty years and became the father of Nachor [Nahor]. 23And Serouch lived after he became the father of Nachor two hundred years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n24And Nachor lived seventy-nine years and became the father of Thara [Terah]. 25And Nachor lived after he became the father of Thara one hundred twenty-nine years, and had sons and daughters, and died.
\n26And Thara lived seventy years and became the father of Abram and Nachor and Harran [Haran].
\n27These then are the generations of Thara: Thara was the father of Abram and Nachor and Harran, and Harran was the father of Lot. 28And Harran died before his father Thara in the land in which he was born, in the country of the Chaldeans. 29And Abram and Nachor took wives for themselves; Abram\u2019s wife\u2019s name was Sara [Sarai], and Nachor\u2019s wife\u2019s name was Melcha [Milcah], the daughter of Harran, the father of Melcha and the father of Iescha [Iscah]. 30And Sara was barren, and she was not bearing children.
\n31And Thara took his son Abram and his son\u2019s son, Lot son of Harran, and his daughter-in-law Sara, his son Abram\u2019s wife, and he brought them out of the country of the Chaldeans to go into the land of Chanaan [Canaan], and he came as far as Charran [Haran], and settled there. 32And the days of Thara in Charran amounted to two hundred five years, and Thara died in Charran.<\/p>\n
Deuteronomy 32<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
The Song of Moses (Deut. 32:1\u201343), one of the most beautiful poems in Scripture, focuses on the relationship between God and his people until the end of Moses\u2019s life. It starts off by inviting heaven and earth to listen to the poet, after which it depicts God\u2019s justice, Israel\u2019s disloyalty, and God\u2019s punishment of Israel and of its enemies. The joyous ending of the poem draws on motifs mentioned at its beginning and describes God\u2019s vengeance on Israel\u2019s enemies. In general the various versions of this Song reflect the same theology, but not so at its end nor in verse 8, where the Septuagint (LXX) and a Qumran scroll (4QDeutj) draw on an ancient motif of the supreme God allotting the peoples of the world to different gods, among them the nation of Israel to its own God, YHWH (see note 3). It is difficult to determine the original shape of this Song, but in some instances the LXX\u2014joined by one or another of the Qumran scrolls, as specified in the commentary\u2014seems to present a more authentic version than the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT).
\nThe ideology of the Song\u2019s ending strikes a more genuine note in the LXX (whose ending is longer than that of the MT), and in the Qumran scroll 4QDeutq (which dates to the 2nd half of the 1st century BCE). The MT version was shortened and altered, probably in an act of theological censorship.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Tigay, Jeffrey H. The JPS Torah Commentary: Deuteronomy, 314\u201315, 513\u201318. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
32:43aBe glad, O skies, with Him,
\n43band let all the sons of God worship Him.
\n43cBe glad, O nations, with His people,
\n43dand let all the angels of God prevail for Him.
\n43eFor He will avenge the blood of His sons,
\n43fand take revenge, and repay the enemies with a sentence;
\n43gand He will repay those who hate,
\n43hand the LORD shall cleanse the land of His people.<\/p>\n
Joshua 20<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
In Num. 35:9\u201315 (part of the so-called Priestly Code) and in Deut. 19:1\u201313, the Torah gives detailed regulations for cities of refuge to be set aside in the Promised Land upon its conquest. These were places of sanctuary or asylum, where a person who unintentionally killed someone could reside without fear of blood revenge. The regulations were implemented by Moses (Moyses LXX) himself (Deut. 4:41\u201343) and by Joshua (Iesous LXX; Josh. 20). In the book of Joshua, after referring to the cities of refuge, God explains the institution of these cities to Joshua. Among other things, God describes the procedure for admission to such a city (20:4). The textual sources differ among themselves. The traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT) contains elements from both Num. 35 and Deut. 19, while the shorter text of the Septuagint (LXX) mainly follows Num. 35 (the Priestly Code). Most likely the LXX reflects an earlier form of this chapter, while the MT (followed by all other sources) reflects a later version that brought the laws of the Priestly Code into harmony with those of Deuteronomy.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Rof\u00e9, Alexander. \u201cJoshua 20: Historico-Literary Criticism Illustrated.\u201d In Empirical Models for Biblical Criticism, edited by Jeffrey H. Tigay, 131\u201347. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985.
\nSpencer, John R. \u201cCities of Refuge.\u201d In Anchor Bible Dictionary, edited by D. N. Freedman, 5:657\u201358. New York: Doubleday, 1992.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1And the LORD spoke to Iesous [Joshua], saying, 2\u201cSpeak to the sons of Israel, saying, \u2018Give the cities of refuge, of which I spoke to you through Moyses [Moses], 3a place of refuge for the slayer who has smitten a soul involuntarily; and the cities shall be for you a place of refuge, and the slayer shall not die by the next of kin in blood, 6until he stands before the congregation for judgment.\u201d
\n7And he set apart Kades [Kedesh] in Galilee in the mountain of Nephthali [Naphtali]. And Sychem [Shechem] in the mountain of Ephraim, and the city of Arbok [Kiriath-arba] (this is Chebron [Hebron]), in the mountain of Ioudas [Judah]. 8And beyond the Jordan he gave Bosor [Bezer] in the wilderness on the plain, out of the tribe of Rouben [Reuben], and Aremoth [Ramoth] in Galaad [Gilead], out of the tribe of Gad, and Gaulon [Golan] in Basanitis [Bashan], out of the tribe of Manasse [Manasseh]. 9These were the cities designated for the sons of Israel and for the guest abiding among them, that anyone who smites a soul involuntarily may flee there, so that he will not die by the hand of the next of kin in blood, until he stands before the congregation for judgment.<\/p>\n
Joshua 24<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
Joshua 24 contains Joshua\u2019s (Iesous LXX) speech at the end of his \u201ccareer.\u201d He reviews Israel\u2019s history and invokes the people to renew the covenant with God. After the tribes\u2019 renewal of that covenant, the chapter narrates the death of Joshua and Eleazar (Josh. 24:33), following which the Septuagint (LXX) adds a section (vv. 33a\u2013b) that is not found in the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), at the very end of the book. The Hebraic diction of this passage allows for a relatively reliable reconstruction of the Greek text into Hebrew; see the comment on verse 33. The verses at the end of the book, together with the remainder of Joshua, point to the existence, at some point, of a shorter combined book: Joshua\u2013Judges.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Rof\u00e9, Alexander. \u201cThe End of the Book of Joshua according to the Septuagint.\u201d Hen 4 (1982): 17\u201336.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
24:33And it happened after these things that Eleazar son of Aaron, the high priest, died, and was buried in Gabaath of Phinees [Phinehas] his son, which he gave him in Mount Ephraim. 33aOn that day the sons of Israel took the ark of God and carried it around in their midst. And Phinees served as priest in the place of Eleazar his father until he died, and he was interred in Gabaath, which was his own. 33bAnd the sons of Israel departed each to their place and to their own city. And the sons of Israel worshipped Astarte [Ashtoreth] and Astaroth [Ashtaroth] and the gods of the nations round about them. And the LORD delivered them into the hands of Eglom [Eglon], the king of Moab, and he dominated them eighteen years.<\/p>\n
Selections from Samuel to Kings (1\u20134 Kingdoms LXX)<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
The books of 1-2 Samuel and 1-2 Kings in the Hebrew Bible form one large unit in Greek Scripture, called 1-4 Kingdoms. The relationship between the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT) and the Septuagint (LXX) is rather complex in Samuel\u2013Kings. For example, the Greek translations of 1-2 Samuel and 1-2 Kings are diverse in character, hinting at different layers and types of translation. Five selections from the presumably original translation are examined below, two from 1 Samuel (chapters 1 and 2) and three from 1 Kings (2:35, 46; 5:1\u201315; 11:1\u20138).
\nThe LXX 3 Kingdoms rewrites the text now included in the MT of 1 Kings, probably representing a Hebrew text that greatly differed from 1 Kings. Among other things, it presents Solomon (Salomon LXX), Jeroboam (Ieroboam LXX), and Ahab (Achaab LXX) in a more favorable way; adds \u201ctheme summaries\u201d; rearranges the sequence; and reorganizes the book\u2019s chronology. All three selections examined in this book (from 1 Kings 2; 5; 11) emphasize Solomon\u2019s wisdom. In their Greek form, and probably also in the earlier Hebrew form from which the translation was made, these units were considered to be authoritative Scripture. The differences between the LXX and the other witnesses to 1 Kings are among the largest in Greek Scripture. Usually, the differences between the MT and LXX are in small details, while the selections included here focus on the larger differences between the two texts, particularly discrepancies between the Hebrew and Greek texts of 1 Kings. It is unclear why this book has been singled out for extensive rewriting, but it is not impossible that other books were likewise rewritten, yet lost in the course of their transmission.
\nThe LXX of 1 Samuel often deviates from the MT in small details, and this translation is very significant, as it often agrees with the Qumran manuscript 4QSama dating to ca. 50\u201325 BCE.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
van Keulen, Percy S. F. Two Versions of the Solomon Narrative: An Inquiry into the Relationship between MT 1 Kgs. 2\u201311 and LXX 3 Reg. 2\u201311. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 104. Leiden: Brill, 2005.<\/p>\n
1 Samuel (1 Kingdoms LXX) 1<\/p>\n
1 Samuel 1:21\u201328 depicts the visit of Elkanah (Elkana LXX), Hannah (Hanna LXX), and Samuel (Samouel LXX) to Shiloh (Selo[m] LXX). They arrive at different times but act together, especially in making their offerings. The traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), the Septuagint (LXX), and the Qumran Hebrew biblical scroll 4QSama (50\u201325 BCE) differ in significant details. For example, Hannah\u2019s actions are minimized in the MT in order not to mention a woman\u2019s involvement in cultic activities (e.g., 1 Sam. 1:23 MT: \u201cHis word\u201d; v. 24 MT: \u201cshe brought him\u201d; v. 25 MT: \u201cthey brought the boy\u201d; v. 28 MT: \u201cAnd they bowed low there before the LORD,\u201d compared with the LXX and 4QSama; see the comment on v. 23 below). 4QSama often agrees with the LXX in its original readings as opposed to the MT; that is, the LXX translation often reflects an underlying Hebrew text that agrees with the Hebrew of 4QSama but disagrees with the later version of the Hebrew represented by the MT.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Walters, Stanley D. \u201cHannah and Anna: The Greek and Hebrew Texts of 1 Samuel 1.\u201d JBL 107 (1988): 385\u2013412.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
21And the man Elkana [Elkanah] and all his household went up to offer in Selom [Shiloh] the sacrifice of the days and his vows and all the tithes of his land; 22and Hanna [Hannah] did not go up with him, for she said to her husband, \u201cUntil the boy goes up if I shall wean him, and he will appear to the face of the LORD and stay there forever.\u201d 23And her husband Elkana said to her, \u201cDo what is good in your sight; stay until you have weaned him; only may the LORD establish that which goes out of your mouth.\u201d And the woman remained and nursed her son, until she weaned him. 24And she went up with him to Selom with a three-year-old bull calf and bread and an oiphi [ephah] of flour and a nebel [jar] of wine and she entered into the house of the LORD at Selom, and the boy was with them. 25And they brought (him) before the LORD and his father slaughtered the sacrifice that he used to do from days to days to the LORD, and he brought the boy near and slaughtered the bull calf. And Hanna the mother of the boy brought (it) to Eli 26and said, \u201cBy me, sir! Your soul lives, I am the woman who stood before you when praying to the LORD; 27for this boy I prayed, and the LORD has granted me my request that I requested of him. 28And I lend him to the LORD as long as he lives, a loan to the LORD.\u201d<\/p>\n
1 Samuel (1 Kingdoms LXX) 2<\/p>\n
In this Song, Hannah thanks God for having given birth after a long period of infertility. Although the issue of infertility does arise in the Song in all its versions (see 1 Sam. 2:5 MT: \u201cthe barren one bears seven\u201d), several verses do not suit Hannah. For example, Hannah was not saved from an enemy as mentioned in verse 1. This Song may have been composed as a thanksgiving hymn applicable to different situations of salvation, and subsequently placed on Hannah\u2019s lips.
\nThe greater part of the Song (vv. 2\u20138) praises the absolute power of God over mortals, enabling God to bring about changes, especially from a bad to a good situation, as in the case of the barren woman. The moral of the Song as expressed in verses 9\u201311 differs much in the three major textual traditions: the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), the Septuagint (LXX), and the Hebrew Qumran scroll 4QSama dating to 50\u201325 BCE. The main idea of the original form of the Song\u2014namely, the absolute power of God over mortals\u2014has been reinterpreted in two different directions in the preserved texts. Each of these witnesses makes the Song of Hannah more relevant to its context on the theological level.
\nThe Song is presented in an arrangement of colons (poetical units consisting of half-verses). The Hebrew source of the LXX, longer than the MT, can be reconstructed with relative confidence because of the partial support of 4QSama and the relatively faithful nature of the translation, which remains close to its underlying Hebrew text when that is known with certainty.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Tov, Emanuel. \u201cDifferent Editions of the Song of Hannah and of Its Narrative Framework.\u201d Chap. 29 in The Greek and Hebrew Bible: Collected Essays on the Septuagint. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006.
\nWillis, John T. \u201cThe Song of Hannah and Psalm 113.\u201d Catholic Biblical Quarterly 25 (1973): 139\u201354.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1And she said,
\n\u201cMy heart was made firm in the LORD,
\nmy horn was exalted in my God;
\nmy mouth was made wide against enemies,
\nI was glad in your deliverance.
\n2For there is none holy like the LORD,
\nand there is none righteous like our God,
\nthere is none holy besides You.<\/p>\n
3\u201cBoast not, and speak not lofty things,
\nlet not big talking come forth from your mouth;
\nfor the LORD is a God of knowledge,
\nand a God who prepares His own ways.
\n4The bow of the mighty has become weak,
\nand weak ones have girded themselves with might;
\n5full of bread they suffered loss,
\nand the hungry have forsaken the land;
\nfor a barren one has borne seven,
\nand she who is rich in children became weak.
\n6The LORD puts to death and brings to life,
\nHe brings down to Hades and brings up;
\n7The LORD makes poor and makes rich,
\nHe brings low, and He raises on high.
\n8(a) He raises up the needy from the ground
\n(b) and lifts the poor from the dunghill
\n(c) to make them sit with the mighty of the peoples
\n(d) even making them inherit a throne of glory.<\/p>\n
9(a) Granting the prayer to the one who prays
\n(b) He has even blessed the years of the righteous;
\n(c) for not by strength is a man mighty.
\n10The LORD will make His adversary weak,
\nthe LORD is holy.
\nLet not the clever boast in his cleverness,
\nand let not let the mighty boast in his might,
\nand let not let the wealthy boast in his wealth,
\nbut let him who boasts boast in this:
\nto understand and know the LORD
\nand to execute justice and righteousness in the midst of the land.
\nThe LORD ascended to the heavens and thundered.
\nHe will judge earth\u2019s ends
\nand gives strength to our kings
\nand will exalt the horn of His anointed.\u201d<\/p>\n
11And they left him there before the LORD and departed to Harmathaim [Ramah], and the lad was ministering to the face of the LORD, before Eli the priest.<\/p>\n
1 Kings (3 Kingdoms LXX) 2<\/p>\n
The Masoretic Text (MT) of 1 Kings 2 covers the end of David\u2019s (Dauid LXX) reign and his son Solomon\u2019s (Salomon LXX) accession to the throne (vv. 1\u201312); the execution of David\u2019s oldest living son, Adonijah (Adonias LXX), and of Joab (Ioab LXX), commander of David\u2019s army (vv. 13\u201335); and the execution of Shimei (Semei LXX) (vv. 36\u201346), a Benjaminite who had once insulted David but whom David had pardoned. It is Solomon who orders all three executions. The parallel text of 1 Kings in the Septuagint (LXX)\u2014also called 3 Kingdoms or 3 Reigns\u2014covers the same events, but in the middle and end of the chapter it adds two long \u201ctheme summaries\u201d concerning Solomon\u2019s wisdom. The first one, Summary 1, inserted after verse 35 (after the execution of Joab), contains 14 verses, denoted 35a\u2013o; Summary 2, inserted after verse 46 (the end of the chapter), contains 11 verses, denoted 46a\u2013l. Summary 1 is not connected to the context, while Summary 2 is. These summaries repeat verses occurring elsewhere in 1 Kings 3\u201311. They are out of chronological order, since the Solomonic history only starts with chapter 3.
\nThe summaries were originally composed in Hebrew as supplements to the MT and were translated into Greek. They were part of a Hebrew composition whose authors freely rewrote the text of 1 Kings. The clearest indication of this assumed process is probably the reworking of the story of Pharaoh\u2019s (Pharao LXX) daughter (see below, v. 35c).
\nFor each verse in the translation, a reference is provided in brackets to its parallel in the canonical text (MT and\/or LXX). These parallels are usually more or less identical with the text in the Summary (\u201c=\u201d), unless the reference is introduced by \u201ccf.\u201d<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Gooding, David W. Relics of Ancient Exegesis: A Study of the Miscellanies in 3 Reigns 2. Society for Old Testament Studies Monograph Series 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
[After the Execution of Joab]<\/p>\n
35And the king put Banaiou [Benaiah] son of Iodae [Jehoiada] over the army in his place; and the kingdom was being established in Ierousalem [Jerusalem]; and the king appointed the priest Sadok [Zadok] first priest in the place of Abiathar.<\/p>\n
Summary 1<\/p>\n
35a[= 1 Kings 5:9 MT LXX] And the LORD gave Salomon [Solomon] discernment and very great wisdom and breadth of mind like the sand which is by the sea, 35b[= 5:10 MT LXX] and the discernment of Salomon was greatly multiplied above the discernment of all ancient sons and above all discerning men (NETS: \u201cprudent ones\u201d)] of Egypt.
\n35c[= 3:1 MT] And he took the daughter of Pharao [Pharaoh] and brought her into the city of Dauid [David] until he first finished his house and the house of the LORD and the wall of Ierousalem round about; [cf. 6:38; 7:1 MT; 7:1a (7:38) LXX] in seven years he made and finished (them). 35d[= 5:29 MT LXX] And Salomon had seventy thousand (men) bearing a burden and eighty thousand stonecutters in the hill country.
\n35e[= 7:23 MT LXX (7:10)] And Salomon made the sea [= 7:24 MT LXX (7:11)] and the supports and the great basins [7:3\u20139 MT; 7:40\u201346 LXX] and the pillars [(NJPS: columns);] and the fountain of the court [= 7:23, 44 MT LXX (7:10, 30)] and the bronze sea. 35f[cf. 11:27b MT LXX; 10:22a LXX; 12:24b LXX] And he built the citadel and its defenses and he cut through the city of Dauid; [= 9:24 MT, cf. 8:11a MT and LXX; 9:9a LXX] thus Pharao\u2019s daughter went up from the city of Dauid to her house which he built for her. Then he built the citadel.
\n35g[= 9:25 MT] And three times in the year Salomon would offer up (NETS: \u201cAnd Salomon would offer up in the year three\u201d) whole burnt offerings and peace offerings on the altar that he built for the LORD, and would burn incense. And he finished the house.
\n35h[= 9:23 MT; 5:30 MT LXX] And these are the chief officers who were appointed over the works of Salomon; three thousand six hundred overseers of the people, of those who performed the work (NETS: \u201cof the people who did the work\u201d). 35i[= 9:15, 17, 18 MT; cf. 10:22a LXX] And he built Assour [Hazor] and Magdo [Megiddo] and Gazer [Gezer] and upper Baithoron [Beth-horon] and Baalath [Baalith]; 35konly after he built the house of the LORD and the wall of Ierousalem round about, after these he built these cities.
\n35lAnd while Dauid was still alive he commanded Salomon saying, [= 2:8 MT LXX] \u201cBehold, with you is Semei [Shimei] son of Gera, son of the offspring of the Iemini, from Chebron [Hebron]; 35m[= 2:8 MT LXX] he cursed me with a painful curse on the day I was going into Camps [Mahanaim], 35n[= 2:8 MT LXX] and he came down to meet me at the Jordan, and I swore to him by the LORD saying: If he will (not) be put to death with a sword! 35o[= 2:9 MT LXX] And now do not hold him guiltless, for you are a prudent man, and you will know what you shall do to him, and you shall bring his gray head down with blood to Hades.\u201d
\n36And the king summoned Semei and said to him, \u201cBuild yourself a house in Ierousalem and sit there and you shall not go out from there to any place whatever.\u201d [The story of Shimei continues here, in verses 37 through 45.]
\n46And King Salomon commanded Banaia son of Iodae, and he went out and struck him [Shimei] down (NETS: \u201cand did away with him\u201d), and he died.<\/p>\n
Summary 2<\/p>\n
46a[cf. 2:9 MT LXX] And King Salomon was very prudent and wise, [= 4:20 MT] and Ioudas [Judah] and Israel were very many as the sand which is by the sea in great number, eating and drinking and being happy; 46b[= 5:1 MT; see also 2:46k LXX; 10:26a LXX; 5:14 LXX] and Salomon was chief among all the kingdoms, and they were bringing gifts and they were serving Salomon all the days of his life. 46c[cf. 9:19 MT] And Salomon began to open the resources of Lebanon, 46d[cf. 9:18 MT] and he built Thermai in the wilderness. 46e[= 5:2 MT LXX] And this was the meal (NETS: \u201cmidday meal\u201d) for Salomon: thirty kors of choice flour and sixty kors of ground meal, [= 5:3 MT LXX] ten choice calves and twenty pasture-fed oxen and one hundred sheep besides deer and gazelles and choice wild (NETS: \u201cfatted\u201d) birds. 46f[= 5:4 MT LXX] For he was chief everywhere across the river from Raphi [Rafia] to Gaza, among all the kings across the river; 46g[= 5:4 MT LXX] and he was at peace on all his sides round about; [= 5:5 MT] and Ioudas and Israel lived in confidence, each under his vine and under his fig tree, eating and drinking, from Dan and as far as Bersabee [Beer-sheba], all the days of Salomon. 46h[= 4:2 MT LXX] And these were the officials of Salomon: Azariou [Azariah], son of Sadok, the priest and [cf. 4:5 MT LXX] Orniou son of Nathan chief of those in charge and [cf. 4:6 MT LXX] Edram over his house and [cf. 4:3 MT LXX] Souba (the) scribe and Basa son of Achithalam (the) recorder and [cf. 4:4 MT LXX] Abi son of Ioab commander-in-chief and [cf. 4:6 MT LXX] Achire son of Edrai over the levies and [cf. 4:4 MT LXX] Banaia, son of Iodae, over the main court and over the brickworks and [cf. 4:5 MT LXX] Zachour [Zaccur], son of Nathan, the counselor. 46i[= 5:6 MT] And Salomon had forty thousand brood mares for chariots and twelve thousand horsemen. 46k[= 5:1 MT; 10:26a LXX; v. 2:46b LXX] And he was chief among all the kings from the river and as far as the land of the foreigners (= Philistines) and to the borders of Egypt.
\n46l[= 4:1 MT LXX] Salomon son of Dauid reigned over Israel and Ioudas in Ierousalem.<\/p>\n
1 Kings (3 Kingdoms LXX) 5<\/p>\n
The Septuagint (LXX) does not always provide an exact parallel to the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT) of Hebrew Scripture. The content of 1 Kings 4:20\u20135:14 MT, for example, differs significantly from that of the LXX version of these verses in 1 Kings. In the MT, this section describes the extent of Solomon\u2019s (Salomon LXX) realm and its internal prosperity (4:20; 5:1, 4\u20135), his daily consumption of food (5:2\u20133), the provisions brought to him (5:6\u20138), and his wisdom (5:9\u201314).
\nSeveral of the elements in this section of the MT appear in the LXX in a different order; some are lacking; and some new elements are added. The sequence in the LXX is as follows: the provisions brought to Solomon (5:1 = 5:7\u20138 MT), his daily consumption of food (5:2\u20133), the extent of his realm (5:4), his wisdom (5:9\u201314), and Solomon\u2019s marriage to Pharaoh\u2019s (Pharao LXX) daughter (5:14a = 3:1 MT; 5:14b = 9:16\u201317 MT).
\nThe two sequences above show that the LXX added the story about Pharaoh\u2019s daughter in 5:14a\u2013b. These verses are more appropriate here than at 1 Kings 3:1 and 1 Kings 9:16\u201317 (where they are lacking in the LXX), as is the placement of 5:7\u20138 MT in the LXX as 5:1. The content of 1 Kings 4:20\u20135:1 MT (the extent of Solomon\u2019s realm and its internal prosperity) appears only at 1 Kings 2:46a\u2013b LXX, and that of 1 Kings 5:5\u20136 MT (internal prosperity and Solomon\u2019s food) appears only at 1 Kings 2:46g, i LXX. These verses did not fit the topic of the rewritten and abbreviated form of 1 Kings 5 in the LXX. More so than the MT, the LXX displays a literary unity that was probably formed after the creation of the disharmonious text of the MT, in which diverse material is often juxtaposed (see introductory comments to Samuel-Kings [1\u20134 Kingdoms LXX]\u201d).<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1And thus the officials would supply provisions for King Salomon [Solomon] and everything ordered for the table of the king, each one in his month, they did not alter a thing; and they also used to bring to the place where the king might be, barley and straw for the horses and the chariots, each according to his charge. 2And these were Salomon\u2019s provisions for one day: thirty kors of choice flour and sixty kors of ground meal 3and ten choice calves and twenty pasture-fed oxen and one hundred sheep besides deer and gazelles and choice birds, grain fed. 4For he ruled across the river, and he was at peace on all sides round about.
\n9And the LORD gave Salomon discernment and very great wisdom and volume of mind like the sand that is by the sea, 10and Salomon abounded greatly, above the discernment of all ancient people, and above all the discerning [people] of Egypt. 11And he was wise beyond all humans; he was wise beyond Gaithan [Ethan] the Ezraite [Ezrahite] and Haiman [Heman] and Chalkal [Chalkol] and Darda, son of Mal [Mahol]. 12And Salomon spoke three thousand proverbs, and his songs were five thousand. 13And he spoke of trees, from the cedar that is in Lebanon to the hyssop that comes out through the wall, and he spoke of animals and of birds and of reptiles and of fish. 14And all the people used to come to hear the wisdom of Salomon, and he would receive gifts from all the kings of the earth who were hearing of his wisdom.
\n14aAnd Salomon took the daughter of Pharao for himself for a wife and brought her into the city of Dauid [David] until he finished the house of the LORD and his own house and the wall of Ierousalem [Jerusalem]. 14bThen Pharao king of Egypt went up and captured Gazer [Gezer] and burned it and the Canaanite, who lived in Mergab, and Pharao gave them as send-off gifts to his daughter, Salomon\u2019s wife; and Salomon built Gazer.
\n15And King Chiram [Hiram] of Tyre sent his servants to anoint Salomon in place of his father Dauid, for Chiram had affection for Dauid all the days.<\/p>\n
1 Kings (3 Kingdoms LXX) 11<\/p>\n
The content of 1 Kings 11:1\u20138 in the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT) differs from that of the parallel verses in 1 Kings (called 3 Kingdoms) of the Septuagint (LXX). Both versions depict the sins of King Solomon (Salomon LXX) in marrying foreign wives and being involved in idolatry, but the LXX makes the latter sin more acceptable to the reader. In the LXX, the fact that he was married to foreign women in his old age made him an easy prey for them, since they induced him to venerate non-Israelite gods. In the MT, on the other hand, Solomon himself initiates idolatrous acts. The description of the sins of 1 Kings 11 was problematic also for the Chronicler, who simply omits the chapter in his account of Solomon.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Talshir, Zipora. \u201c1 Kings and 3 Kingdoms\u2014Origin and Revision, Case Study: The Sins of Solomon (1 Kgs 11).\u201d Textus 21 (2002): 71\u2013105.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1And King Salomon [Solomon] loved women. And he had seven hundred ruling women and three hundred concubines. And he took foreign women, both the daughter of Pharao [Pharaoh], Moabites, Ammonites, Syrians as well as Idumeans [Edomites], Chettites [Hittites] and Amorrites, 2from the nations that the LORD forbade to the sons of Israel: \u201cYou shall not go in to them, and they shall not go in to you, lest they turn away your hearts after their idols\u201d; Salomon clung to them for love. 4And it happened at the time of Salomon\u2019s old age that his heart was not perfect with the LORD his God as was the heart of his father Dauid [David], and his foreign wives turned away his heart after their gods. 5[= 1 Kings 11:7 MT] Then Salomon built a high place to Chamos [Chemosh], idol of Moab and to their king, idol of the sons of Ammon 6[= v. 5 MT] and to Astarte [Ashtoreth], abomination of the Sidonians. 7[= v. 8 MT] And thus he did for all his foreign wives, they were offering incense and sacrificing to their idols; 8[= v. 6 MT] and Salomon did evil before the LORD, he did not go after the LORD as Dauid his father.<\/p>\n
Selections from Jeremiah<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
The three main versions of Jeremiah that have survived from antiquity are the traditional or Masoretic Text (MT) in Hebrew; the Septuagint (LXX); and two Hebrew scrolls from Qumran, 4QJerb and 4QJerd, dating to the first half of the 2nd century BCE. The MT is followed quite closely by the Peshitta (Syriac), Targum (Aramaic), and Vulgate (Latin) translations. The LXX differs from the MT in two central matters: the order of the chapters and verses and the length of the text. The translator has rendered in a relatively literal fashion a Hebrew book similar to that contained in the two Qumran scrolls. The selections from Jeremiah (Ieremias LXX) below are Jer. 10:1\u201311; 27 (34); 33 (40); and 43 (50) (numbers in parentheses refer to the numbering system of the LXX different from the MT chapter numbers).
\nThe LXX is shorter than the MT by one-sixth. It lacks words, phrases, sentences, and entire sections contained in the MT. The differences between the two text forms, which are not characteristic of scribal intervention, were created at an early stage, when the book of Jeremiah was still being composed. They reflect different editions of Jeremiah; the LXX and the two Qumran scrolls probably contain the earlier, shorter edition I, while the MT presents the expanded, later edition II. Edition II contains many sections not found in edition I, the largest of which are Jer. 33:14\u201326 and 39:4\u201313. One of the major differences between the two versions pertains to the forms of personal names, for which see the commentary to Jer. 43 (50).<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Janzen, J. Gerald. Studies in the Text of Jeremiah. Harvard Semitic Monographs 6. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1973.
\nTov, Emanuel. \u201cThe Literary History of the Book of Jeremiah in the Light of Its Textual History.\u201d In Empirical Models for Biblical Criticism, edited by Jeffrey H. Tigay, 211\u201337. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985.<\/p>\n
Jeremiah 10<\/p>\n
The prophecy described in Jer. 10:1\u201311 in the Masoretic Text (MT) contains both mockery of idols and praise of the LORD. The text refers with disdain to the idols\u2019 manmade origins and their inability to walk, speak, or do any harm or good. The mockery is included in verses 2\u20135, 8\u20139, 11, while the remaining verses 6\u20137 and 10 praise the LORD.
\nThe verses containing this praise are lacking in the Septuagint (LXX), as well as in the Qumran scroll 4QJerb. Many scholars believe that these shorter texts reflect the original form of Jer. 10, and that the tradition behind the MT reflects a later text in which the praise of the LORD has been added in order to stress the futility of the idols. The addition of these verses in the tradition of the MT went together with the splitting up of verse 5 into two parts. In the development of Scripture, usually elements were added, not deleted. Moreover, it is intrinsically more plausible that verses of praise were added than omitted.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Ben-Dov, Jonathan. \u201cA Textual Problem and its Form-Critical Solution: Jeremiah 10:1\u201316.\u201d Textus 20 (2000): 97\u2013128.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
10:1Hear the word of the LORD that he spoke to you, O house of Israel. 2This is what the LORD says:
\nDo not learn according to the ways of the nations,
\nand do not be afraid of the signs of the sky,
\nfor they are afraid of them to their faces
\n3For the precepts of the nations are vain:
\nthere is a tree from the forest, cut down,
\na work of a carpenter, and a molten image.
\n4They have been adorned with silver and gold;
\nthey fastened them with hammers and nails,
\nand they shall not be moved.
\n5aWrought silver it is\u2014they will not walk.
\n9Beaten silver will come from Tharsis [Tarshish],
\ngold of Mophas (MT: Uphaz)
\nand a hand of goldsmiths\u2014works of craftsmen all,
\nthey will clothe them in blue and purple.
\n5bRaised they will be carried,
\nfor they will not walk.
\nDo not be afraid of them,
\nfor they shall not do evil,
\nand there is no good in them.<\/p>\n
11Thus shall you say to them: Let gods who did not make the sky and the earth perish from the earth and from under this sky.<\/p>\n
Jeremiah 27 (34 LXX)<\/p>\n
Jeremiah 27 of the Masoretic Text (MT) (34 in the Septuagint, or LXX) tells the tale of Jeremiah (Ieremias LXX) delivering a prophecy to a group of kings meeting in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah (Sedekias LXX). The prophet calls for the complete submission to King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (Nabouchodonosor LXX) in accordance with God\u2019s plans. At the end of the chapter Jeremiah speaks out against the false prophets who prophesy optimistically to the Israelites, telling them that they need not surrender to Nebuchadnezzar. Among other things, Jeremiah opposes the claim of these prophets that the Temple vessels taken by Nebuchadnezzar (when he sent the people of Judah [Iouda LXX] and the inhabitants of Jerusalem [Ierousalem LXX] into exile in Babylon) will be returned. Jeremiah says that this will not happen, and that these prophets should implore God not to allow the remaining Temple vessels to be removed from Jerusalem.
\nMost of the expansions in the MT to the short text of the LXX are based on ideas or details in the context, or reflect stylistic or theological concerns. The MT devotes great attention on the fate of the Temple vessels, adding details from the context in Jeremiah and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Stulman, Louis. The Other Text of Jeremiah: A Reconstruction of the Hebrew Text Underlying the Greek Version of the Prose Sections of Jeremiah. New York: University Press of America, 1985.
\nTov, Emanuel. \u201cExegetical Notes on the Hebrew Vorlage of the LXX of Jeremiah 27 (34).\u201d Chap. 22 in The Greek and Hebrew Bible: Collected Essays on the Septuagint. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 1999.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
34:1[= 27:2 MT] Thus did the LORD say: Make bonds and collars, and put them around your neck. 2[= 27:3 MT] And you will send them to the king of Idumea [Edom] and to the king of Moab and to the king of the sons of Ammon and to the king of Tyre and to the king of Sidon by the hands of their envoys who are coming to meet them in Ierousalem [Jerusalem], to King Sedekias [Zedekiah] of Iouda [Judah]. 3[= 27:4 MT] And you will instruct them to say to their masters: \u201cThus did the LORD the God of Israel say: Thus you shall say to your masters: 4[= 27:5 MT] Because it is I who by my great strength and my lofty effort have made the earth and I will give it to whom it may seem good in my eyes, 5[= 27:6 MT] I have given the earth to King Nabouchodonosor [Nebuchadnezzar] of Babylon to serve him, and the wild animals of the field to work for him.\u201d
\n6[= 27:8 MT] And the nation and the kingdom, as many as do not put their neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon, I will visit them with dagger and with famine, said the LORD, until they are consumed in his hand. 7[= 27:9 MT] And you, do not keep heeding your false prophets and your diviners and your dreamers and your soothsayers and your sorcerers, when they say, \u201cYou shall not work for the king of Babylon.\u201d 8[= 27:10 MT] For they are prophesying lies to you, so as to distance you far from your land. 9[= 27:11 MT] And the nation that brings its neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon and works for him, I will also leave him on his own land, and he will work for him and will live in it.
\n10[= 27:12 MT] And I spoke to King Sedekias of Iouda according to all these words saying, \u201cEnter your neck, and work for the king of Babylon 11[= 27:14 MT], because they are prophesying wrong things to you; 12[= 27:15 MT] for I did not send them, says the LORD, and they are prophesying wrongly in my name so as to destroy you, and you will perish, you and your prophets who are [wrongly] prophesying lies to you.\u201d
\n13[= 27:16 MT] I spoke to you and all this people and the priests saying, Thus did the LORD say: Do not listen to the words of the prophets who are prophesying to you, saying, \u201cBehold, the vessels of the LORD\u2019s house are returning from Babylon,\u201d for it is they who are prophesying wrong things to you, 14[= 27:17 MT] I did not send them. 15[= 27:18 MT] If they are prophets, and if there is a word of the LORD in them, let them counter me. 16[= 27:19 MT] For thus did the LORD say: Even some of the remaining vessels, 17[= 27:20 MT] which the king of Babylon did not take when he exiled Iechonias [Jeconiah] from Ierousalem, 18[= 27:22 MT] shall enter into Babylon, says the LORD.<\/p>\n
Jeremiah 43 (50 LXX)<\/p>\n
In the turbulent days after the capture of Jerusalem (Ierousalem LXX), Johanan (Ioanan LXX) and the other leaders bring the people to Egypt, against the wish of God as transmitted by Jeremiah (Ieremias LXX). According to the prophet, God wishes the people to instead remain in Palestine and surrender to Nebuchadrezzar (Nabouchodonosor LXX). God tells Jeremiah to perform a symbolic action in Tahpanhes (Taphnas LXX) at the entrance to Pharaoh\u2019s (Pharao LXX) palace signifying that Nebuchadrezzar will overpower even Egypt.
\nThe special nature of the Septuagint (LXX) is clearly revealed in this chapter, in which the features of the short Greek text\u2014particularly regarding the forms of names\u2014are easily visible when compared with the longer Hebrew Masoretic Text (MT). The underlying text of this tradition must have been Hebrew, since the LXX has elements in common with the Qumran scroll 4QJerd (containing Jer. 43:2\u201310). The extent of that scroll helped to determine the scope of the section excerpted here from the LXX (50:4\u201310).<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
50:4[= 43:4 MT] So Ioanan [Johanan] and all the leaders of the force and all the people did not obey the voice of the LORD, to settle down in the land of Iouda [Judah]. 5And Ioanan and all the leaders of the force took all those remaining of Iouda who had returned to settle down in the land\u20146the mighty men and the women and the rest, and the daughters of the king, and the souls whom Nabouzardan [Nebuzaradan] had left with Godolias [Gedaliah] son of Achikam, and the prophet Ieremias [Jeremiah] and Barouch [Baruch] son of Nerias [Neriah]. 7And they entered into Egypt for they did not obey the voice of the LORD. And they entered into Taphnas [Tahpanhes].
\n8And a word of the LORD came to Ieremias in Taphnas, saying: 9Take some large stones for yourself, and hide them in the entrance to Pharao\u2019s [Pharaoh\u2019s] house in Taphnas in the sight of the men of Iouda. 10And you will say, Thus did the LORD say: Behold, I am sending for and will bring King Nabouchodonosor [Nebuchadrezzar] of Babylon, and he will set his throne over these stones that you have hidden, and he will raise his weapons against them.<\/p>\n
Proverbs 1<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
After some general words of introduction to the book (vv. 1\u20137), Proverbs 1 gives short wisdom teachings on two topics: the deadly consequences of ignoring parental wisdom (vv. 8\u201319), and the risk of disregarding the prudent advice of the author of the book (vv. 20\u201333). The Septuagint (LXX) provides a free and often paraphrastic translation of its Hebrew parent text, which is much more closely reflected by the traditional or Masoretic Text (MT) for this chapter of Proverbs. At the same time, most of the discrepancies between the underlying Hebrew text, usually the MT, and the Greek probably derive from the free translation character of the LXX, which gives us insights into the exegetic and theological world of the Alexandrian-Hellenistic Jewish community. Some of these differences involve the transformation of general ideas in the Hebrew book of Proverbs into religious thoughts in the Greek translation. This pertains especially to the Hellenistic-Jewish tendency to stress the virtues of the pious and vices of the impious (see the comments on vv. 10, 18, 19, 22, 31, 32 below) as well as the Jewish adherence to the nomos, Torah. Other changes involve a desire to clarify the Hebrew text to the Greek readers in the Hellenistic period, and even to formulate equivalent wisdom sayings that approximate the implication of the Hebrew text. More than anywhere else in the LXX, the translation of Proverbs often presents double or even triple translations of the same verse (see comments on vv. 7, 14, 21, 27 below).<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Cook, Johann. The Septuagint of Proverbs: Jewish and\/or Hellenistic Proverbs? Concerning the Hellenistic Colouring of LXX Proverbs. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 69. Leiden: Brill, 1997.
\nTov, Emanuel. \u201cRecensional Differences between the Masoretic Text and the Septuagint of Proverbs.\u201d In The Greek and Hebrew Bible: Collected Essays on the Septuagint, chap. 28. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 1999.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1:1Proverbs of Salomon [Solomon], son of Dauid [David], who reigned in Israel:
\n2to learn wisdom and discipline,
\nand to understand words of prudence
\n3and to grasp subtlety of words
\nand to understand true righteousness and to direct judgment,
\n4in order that he might give shrewdness to the innocent,
\nand both perception and insight to the young child.
\n5For by hearing these things the wise will become wiser,
\nand the discerning will acquire direction
\n6and he will understand an illustration and an obscure word,
\nboth the sayings and the riddles of the wise.<\/p>\n
7aThe beginning of wisdom is the fear of God,
\n7a\u2032and understanding is good for all those who practice it;
\n7a\u2033piety unto God is the beginning of perception,
\n7bthe impious, however, will despise wisdom and discipline.<\/p>\n
8Hear, my son, your father\u2019s discipline,
\nand do not reject your mother\u2019s precepts;
\n9for you will receive a crown of graces for your head
\nand a golden collar around your neck.
\n10My son, let not impious men lead you astray,
\nand do not consent,<\/p>\n
11\u201cCome with us, partake in bloodshed,
\nand let us hide a just man unjustly in the earth,
\n12and let us swallow him alive like Hades
\nand let us remove his remembrance from the earth;
\n13let us take his valuable possessions,
\nand let us fill our homes with booty.
\n14aBut throw your lot among us,
\n14band let us all acquire a common purse,
\n14b\u2032and let us have one wallet.\u201d
\n15Do not walk in the way with them,
\nbut keep your foot from their paths;
\n16for their feet run to evil
\nand they are quick to shed blood;
\n17for nets are not spread
\nwithout reason for winged creatures.
\n18For they who take part in murder store up evil for themselves,
\nand the destruction by transgressing men is evil.
\n19These are the ways of all who perform lawless deeds;
\nfor by impiety they take away their own life.<\/p>\n
20Wisdom sings hymns in the streets,
\nand in the squares she leads frankly,
\n21aand on the top of the walls she proclaims,
\n21band at the gates of the powerful she waits,
\n21b\u2032and at the gates of the city she speaks boldly:
\n22\u201cAs long as the innocent hold on to righteousness,
\nthey will not be ashamed;
\nbut the fools, since they are lovers of pride,
\nafter they became impious they hated perception
\n23and they became liable to reproofs.
\nLook, I will bring forth to you the expression of my breath,
\nand I will teach you my word.
\n24Since I would call but you did not heed
\nand I would prolong words but you were not paying attention,
\n25but you would make my counsels invalid,
\nand disregarded my reproofs,
\n26therefore I in turn will also laugh at your destruction,
\nand I will rejoice when ruin comes upon you.
\n27aYes, when confusion strikes you unexpectedly,
\n27band destruction arrives like a whirlwind,
\n27cand, when affliction and siege come upon you,
\n27c\u2019or when ruin comes upon you.\u201d<\/p>\n
28For it shall be when you call upon me, then I will not listen to you;
\nevil people will seek me but will not find me.
\n29For they hated wisdom,
\nand did not choose the fear of the LORD,
\n30nor were they willing to pay attention to my counsels,
\nbut despised my reproofs.
\n31Therefore they shall eat the fruits of their own way
\nand be filled with their own impiety;
\n32for because they would wrong the simple, they will be murdered,
\nand an inquiry will ruin the impious.
\n33But he who hears me will dwell in hope
\nand will be at ease without fear of any evil.\u201d<\/p>\n
Selections from Esther<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
The book of Esther is a historical novel that utilizes dramatic effects and suspense. In its base form in the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), the story often lacks background information since it focuses on the actions of the heroes. The Septuagint (LXX) supplies some of this background information, but not for all details. When compared with the MT, the LXX adds, omits, and changes many small details, as well as complete verses. It also adds six large sections at key points in the book, including a section before the beginning and a section at the end. These additions, known as Additions to Esther A\u2013F, are an integral part of the translation but are traditionally discussed separately; see Additions to Esther.
\nThe LXX translation of Esther, produced in the late 2nd or early 1st century BCE, probably in Palestine, is a literary work distinct from that of the MT. In its Greek form, and probably also in its earlier Hebrew form, this work was considered Scripture. The LXX reshapes the story of the MT in many places. For example, in Additions B and E it gives a verbatim account of the king\u2019s edicts against the Jews (LXX Judeans; Add. Esth. B.1\u20137) and on their behalf (E.1\u201324). Probably the most characteristic feature of the LXX is the addition of a religious background to a book that lacks even the mention of God\u2019s name in the MT (e.g., in Esther 2:20; 4:8; 6:13; also, the LXX Esther is concerned about observance of the dietary laws, unlike Esther of the MT). The Greek Esther thus conforms to the remainder of Scripture by explaining the events in Israel\u2019s history as determined by its God.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Crawford, Sidnie W. The Additions to Esther: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections. Vol. 3: The New Interpreter\u2019s Bible, 941\u201372. Nashville: Abingdon, 1999.
\nOmanson, Roger L., and Philip A. Noss. A Handbook on the Book of Esther: The Hebrew and Greek Texts. UBS Handbook Series. New York: American Bible Society, 1997.<\/p>\n
Esther 1<\/p>\n
In the Masoretic Text (MT), as in the Septuagint (LXX), Esther 1 describes the extent of King Ahasuerus\u2019s (LXX Artaxerxes\u2019) empire, his banquets, the banquet hosted by Queen Vashti (Astin LXX), the invitation extended to her by the king, her refusal to make an appearance, and the subsequent dramatic banishment of the queen. The version in the LXX covers the same events but with certain revisions. A major change in the Greek translation is the addition of Mordecai\u2019s (Mardochaios LXX) dream before the beginning of the Hebrew story. This dream, traditionally named Addition A, foreshadows Mordecai\u2019s actions narrated in the canonical book and introduces Artaxerxes and Haman. See also Additions to Esther.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
[Follows Addition A (Prologue with Mordecai\u2019s Dream)]
\n1:1Now it happened after these things in the days of Artaxerxes [Ahasuerus]\u2014this Artaxerxes controlled one hundred twenty-seven lands from India\u20142in those days when King Artaxerxes was enthroned in the city of Susa [Shushan], 3in the third year when he was king, he gave a feast for his Friends, and for the other nations, and for those highly esteemed of the Persians and Medes, and for the rulers of the satrapies. 4And after these things, after he had displayed to them the great wealth of his kingdom and the glory of the celebration of his wealth for one hundred eighty days, 5and when the days of the wedding feast were completed, the king gave a wine party for the nations present in the city, for six days, in the courtyard of the house of the king. 6It had been decorated with linen and cotton curtains hung on cords of linen and purple attached to gold and silver blocks on pillars of marble and other stones. There were couches of gold and silver on a mosaic pavement of emerald, mother-of-pearl, and marble. There were gossamer throws in many colors embroidered with roses all around. 7The goblets were made of gold and silver, and a miniature cup made of ruby was on display that was worth thirty thousand talents. The wine was abundant and sweet, which the king himself drank. 8Now this wine party was not by established law, but so the king wanted it, and he ordered his stewards to do as he and his men wanted.
\n9And Astin [Vashti] the queen gave a wine party for the women in the royal quarters where King Artaxerxes was.
\n10Now on the seventh day, when he was feeling merry, the king told Haman [Mehuman], and Bazan [Bizzetha], and Tharra [Harbona], and Boraze [Bigtha], and Zatholtha [Zethar], and Abataza [Abagtha], and Tharaba [Carcas], the seven eunuchs who attended King Artaxerxes, 11to bring the queen to him in order to proclaim her queen and to place the diadem on her, and to show her to the rulers and her beauty to the peoples, because she was beautiful. 12But Astin the queen did not obey him to come with the eunuchs. The king was angry and he was enraged. 13Then he said to his Friends, \u201cThis is how Astin spoke, therefore give your ruling and judgment on this.\u201d 14So Arkesaios [Carshena], Sarsathaios [Shethar], and Malesear [Meres, Marsena?], the rulers of the Persians and Medes who were close to the king and seated first by the king, approached him. 15And they reported to him what, according to law, must be done with Astin the queen, because she had not done the things ordered by the king through the eunuchs. 16Then Mouchaios [Memucan] said to the king and the rulers, \u201cAstin the queen has wronged not only the king, but also all the rulers and governors of the king.\u201d 17(For he had reported to them the words of the queen, and how she defied the king.) \u201cTherefore, just as she defied King Artaxerxes, 18so this very day the other princesses of the rulers of the Persians and Medes, when they hear what was said to the king by her, will similarly dare to dishonor their husbands. 19Therefore, if it pleases the king, let him issue a royal order, and let it be written according to the laws of the Medes and Persians, and let it not be applied differently, neither let the queen any longer come to him; and let the king give her royal position to a woman better than she. 20Let the law declared by the king be heard, whatever law he enacts in his kingdom. And thus all women shall bestow honor on their own husbands, from the poor to the rich.\u201d 21This word pleased the king and the rulers, and the king did as Mouchaios said. 22He sent word throughout the whole kingdom, to every land in its own language, so that they had fear in their homes.<\/p>\n
Esther 3<\/p>\n
In the book of Esther, the Septuagint (LXX) omits and changes various details found in the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT). The Greek translation also adds details, among them the exact text of the king\u2019s decree after verse 13 (so-called Addition B).
\nEsther 3 is a key chapter in the book since it introduces Haman and narrates how he plotted against the Jews (Judeans LXX). In this chapter the reader hears how Mordecai (Mardochaios LXX) brings down Haman\u2019s anger upon himself and the Jewish people, and how the king approves Haman\u2019s plan and issues a decree to destroy the Jews.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
3:1After these things King Artaxerxes [Ahasuerus] honored Haman son of Hamadathos [Hammedatha], a Bougean [Agagite], and exalted him and set him above all his Friends. 2And all who were in the court would bow down to him; for the king had commanded them to do so. But Mardochaios [Mordecai] would not bow down to him. 3Then those in the court of the king spoke to Mardochaios, \u201cMardochaios, why do you disobey what the king says?\u201d 4Day after day they spoke to him, and he would not listen to them. So they revealed to Haman that Mardochaios was opposing the commands of the king; and Mardochaios revealed to them that he was a Judean (Jew). 5When Haman learned that Mardochaios would not bow down to him, he was very angry. 6And so he planned to destroy all the Judeans (Jews) under the rule of Artaxerxes.
\n7He made a decision in the twelfth year of Artaxerxes\u2019 reign, and cast lots day by day and month by month to destroy the people of Mardochaios on one day. The lot fell on the fourteenth of the month that is Adar.
\n8Then he spoke to King Artaxerxes saying, \u201cThere is a certain nation scattered among the nations throughout all your kingdom; their laws are different from all the nations, and they disobey the king\u2019s laws, so that it is not expedient for the king to tolerate them. 9If it pleases the king, let a decree be issued to destroy them, and I will pay into the king\u2019s treasury ten thousand talents of silver.\u201d 10And the king took his signet ring and put it on the hand of Haman to seal what had been written against the Judeans (Jews). 11The king said to Haman, \u201cKeep the silver, but treat the nation as you wish.\u201d
\n12Then the king\u2019s secretaries were summoned on the thirteenth day of the first month, and they wrote as Haman commanded to the governors and to the rulers of every land\u2014from India to Ethiopia\u2014to one hundred twenty-seven lands and to the rulers of the nations in their own language in the name of Artaxerxes the king. 13It was sent by couriers throughout Artaxerxes\u2019 empire, to destroy the race (people) of the Judeans (Jews) in one day of the twelfth month, which is Adar, and to seize their property. [Verses 13a\u2013g (Addition B) are presented with commentary to Additions to Esther.]
\n14Copies of the letters were posted in every province, and it was enjoined on all the nations to be ready for this day. 15The matter proceeded quickly even to Susa [Shushan]. While the king and Haman were sitting down to drink, the city was being thrown into confusion.<\/p>\n
Esther 8<\/p>\n
Esther 8 tells how the bad fate of the Jews (Judeans LXX) is reversed. The king gives Haman\u2019s property to Esther and promotes Mordecai (Mardochaios LXX) (vv. 1\u20132). Esther pleads for her people and obtains the means to their salvation (vv. 3\u20138). In the traditional Hebrew or Masoretic Text (MT), the king issues an edict, dictated by Mordecai (v. 9), allowing the Jews to take revenge on their enemies (vv. 11\u201314), while in the Septuagint (LXX), the parallel verses display various important differences. Among other things, the letter of King Ahasuerus (Artaxerxes LXX) is written by the king himself (vv. 11\u201314 LXX), and not dictated by Mardochaios (vv. 8\u20139 MT). Verses 8\u201313 MT are rewritten as two separate letters in the LXX, one by Mordecai to the Jews (v. 9) and one by the king to the satrapies (Addition E of the LXX). Mordecai\u2019s letter, written in the name of the king, allows the Jews \u201cto live in accordance with their laws\u201d (which the MT does not say) and mitigates theMT\u2019s extensive description of the self-defense and revenge now permitted of the Jews against their enemies (v. 11 MT). The second letter constitutes a new literary creation. (For more on this, see Additions to Esther.)
\nThe rewritten Greek verses 8\u201313 are in harmony with Addition E of the LXX, and were probably created by the same individual who in these verses acted as a translator and in the Addition freely wrote a letter in Greek without reference to a Hebrew underlying text.
\nVarious details in Mordecai\u2019s criticism of Haman included in Addition E echo the phrasing of the earlier criticism of Haman against the Jews in Esther 3.
\nAmong the Hellenistic elements in the Greek Esther 8 are the summoning of Mordecai by the king (v. 1) and the reconstructed edict included in Addition E. Exegetic changes in the LXX include the naming of Haman as a Macedonian in Esther 9:24 LXX as well as in Addition E.10; Esther\u2019s concern about her own safety (Esther 8:6); and the king\u2019s active participation in the hanging of Haman (8:7).<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
De Troyer, Kristin. \u201cThe Letter of the King and the Letter of Mordecai.\u201d Textus 21 (2002): 175\u2013207.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
8:1On that very day King Artaxerxes [Ahasuerus] granted to Esther all that belonged to Haman the slanderer; and Mardochaios [Mordecai] was summoned by the king, for Esther had revealed that he was related to her. 2Then the king took the signet ring, which he had taken from Haman, and gave it to Mardochaios. So Esther appointed Mardochaios over everything of Haman\u2019s.
\n3Then she spoke again to the king and she fell before his feet, and pleaded that he revoke the evil of Haman and what he had done to the Judeans (Jews). 4So the king held out the golden rod to Esther, 5and Esther rose and stood before the king. And Esther said, \u201cIf it pleases you, and if I have found favor, let an order be dispatched to revoke the letters sent by Haman, which were written to destroy the Judeans (Jews) who are in your kingdom. 6For how can I bear to see the suffering of my people? And how can I be saved amid the destruction of my lineage?\u201d 7Then the king said to Esther, \u201cIf everything belonging to Haman I gave and turned over to you, and him I hanged on the pole, because he plotted to lay hands on the Judeans (Jews), what more do you seek? 8You (pl.) also write in my name as it pleases you (pl.), and seal it with my ring: for whatever is written as the king commands and sealed with my ring cannot be countermanded.\u201d
\n9And so the secretaries were summoned in the first month, which is Nisa [Nisan], on the twenty-third day of the same year; and they wrote to the Judeans (Jews) what had been commanded to the administrators and rulers of the satrapies from India to Ethiopia, one hundred twenty-seven satrapies country by country, each according to its own language. 10It was written by the king, and sealed with his ring, and they sent the orders by couriers, 11how he ordered them to live in accordance with their laws in every city, both to help themselves and to deal with their adversaries and their enemies as they wished, 12on a single day in the whole kingdom of Artaxerxes, on the thirteenth of the twelfth month, which is Adar. [Verses 12a\u2013x (Addition E) are presented with commentary in Additions to Esther.]
\n13Let the copies be posted conspicuously in all the kingdom, so that all the Judeans (Jews) should be ready on this day to fight against their adversaries.<\/p>\n
Additions to Esther<\/p>\n
Michael V. Fox<\/p>\n
The Septuagint (LXX) of the book of Esther includes six supplemental passages (Additions A\u2013F), as well some expansions and changes elsewhere. The Additions are the responses of early readers to the book, who sought to address several problematic issues in the story (such as Esther\u2019s dietary practices in the palace and her sexual relations with the king) and also to adjust the theology to contemporary expectations. The Additions appear inserted at the appropriate points of the book and must be read in context. Ideally they should be read in a complete translation of the LXX. The placement and content of each Addition is as follows:<\/p>\n
Addition A (A.1\u201317 [NRSV 11:2\u201312:6]; appears at the beginning of the book of Esther: It includes Mordecai\u2019s dream (A.1\u201311 [NRSV 11:2\u201312]) and his exposure of a conspiracy (A.12\u201317 [NRSV 12:1\u20136]).
\nAddition B (B.1\u20137 [NRSV 13:1\u20137]; follows MT 3:13): The royal decree to kill the Jews.
\nAddition C (C.1\u201330 [NRSV 13:8\u201310]; follows MT 4:17): Mordecai\u2019s prayer (C.1\u201311) and Esther\u2019s prayer (C.12\u201330).
\nAddition D (D.1\u201316 [NRSV 15:1\u201316]; follows C.30: Esther\u2019s entry to the throne room.
\nAddition E (E.1\u201324; follows MT 8:12): The royal decree to spare the Jews.
\nAddition F (F.1\u201311 [NRSV 10:4\u201311:1]; follows MT 10:3): Mordecai\u2019s interpretation of his dream in Addition A.
\nColophon (F.11 [NRSV 11:1]; follows F.10).<\/p>\n
Authorship and History<\/p>\n
The Additions were composed and inserted into the LXX at different times, between the late 2nd century BCE and the middle of the 1st century CE. Their likely origin is Ptolemaic Egypt, a background reflected in Additions B and E in particular. It was a time of severe anti-Semitism alongside a degree of royal patronage for the Jews. Additions B and E have the same author and were composed in Greek. Additions C and D are really a single unit. It is unclear whether Additions A, C, D, and F were written by the same person. F is an interpretation of A, probably by a different author, since there is some incongruity between the dream and its interpretation; see the comment on A.5, below. It is likely that Additions A, C, D, and F (or parts thereof) were composed in Aramaic or Hebrew.<\/p>\n
Significance<\/p>\n
The Additions, together with some other supplementary material, place God explicitly in the center of the events and adjust the book to attitudes and usages found elsewhere in the Bible. The most important difference between the Additions and the Hebrew text (Masoretic Text) is the central role of God, who is not mentioned in the MT. God is often mentioned in the Additions and sometimes in other verses in the LXX as well, namely Esther 2:20; 4:8; and 6:13.
\nThe Additions are integrated into the LXX and should be read in that context. For the most part, the LXX is fairly close to the MT, but there are a few significant differences. Like the Additions, the smaller LXX changes typically enhance the role of God, piety, and Jewish law. Following are examples of LXX changes on the verse level.
\nEsther 2:16 (NJPS): \u201cEsther was taken in to King Ahasuerus \u2026 in the tenth month, which is the month of Tebeth\u201d Esther 2:16 (LXX): \u201cSo Esther went in to King Artaxerxes in the twelfth month, which is Adar.\u201d The reason for this change is unclear. (The 10th of Tevet did have significance as the onset of the siege of Jerusalem.)
\nEsther 2:20 (NJPS): \u201cBut Esther still did not reveal her kindred or her people, as Mordecai had instructed her; for Esther obeyed Mordecai\u2019s bidding, as she had done when she was under his tutelage.\u201d Esther 2:20 (LXX): \u201cEsther had not disclosed her country\u2014such were the instructions of Mordecai; but she was to fear God and keep his laws, just as she had done when she was with him.\u201d The LXX adds mention of God.
\nEsther 3:7 (NJPS): \u201cpur\u2014which means \u2018the lot\u2019\u2014was cast \u2026 [until it fell on] the twelfth month, that is, the month of Adar.\u201d Esther 3:7 (LXX): \u201cThe lot fell on the fourteenth day of the month of Adar.\u201d A different Greek version has, correctly, \u201cthirteenth.\u201d The Hebrew of v 7b reads, literally, \u201cfrom day to day and from month to the twelfth month, the month of Adar.\u201d The day of the month is missing, though required by context. The Greek Alpha Text (but not the LXX) reads \u201cthirteenth.\u201d This either reflects the correct Hebrew text or supplies the date on the basis of 8:12; 9:1; and 9:17.
\nEsther 4:8 (NJPS): Mordecai shows the eunuch Hathach the written law calling for the Jews\u2019 destruction, then bids him to \u201cshow it to Esther and inform her, and charge her to go to the king and to appeal to him and to plead with him for her people.\u201d Esther 4:8 (LXX): Mordecai sends this message to Esther via the eunuch Hachratheus: \u201cHaman, who stands next to the king, has spoken against us and demands our death. Call upon the LORD; then speak to the king in our behalf, and save us from death.\u201d This prepares the way for Esther\u2019s prayer in Addition C. In the LXX Mordecai instructs Esther to pray, which is the expected response to a perilous situation like this.
\nEsther 6:13 (NJPS): Haman\u2019s wife says, \u201cIf Mordecai \u2026 is of Jewish stock, you will not overcome him; you will fall before him to your ruin.\u201d Esther 6:13 (LXX): Haman\u2019s wife says, \u201cIf Mordecai is of the Jewish people, \u2026 you will surely fall. You will not be able to defend yourself, because the living God is with him.\u201d The LXX makes explicit the religious reason for Haman\u2019s doom.
\nEsther 8:17 (NJPS): \u201cAnd many of the people of the land professed to be Jews.\u201d Esther 8:17 (LXX): \u201cAnd many of the Gentiles were circumcised and became Jews.\u201d The MT\u2019s mityahadim is ambiguous. It may mean \u201cprofessed to be Jews\u201d or \u201cbecame Jews.\u201d The LXX makes it clear that the Gentiles in question fully converted to Judaism.
\nEsther 10:3 (NJPS): \u201cFor Mordecai the Jew \u2026 was highly regarded by the Jews and popular with the multitude of his brethren; he sought the good of his people and interceded for the welfare of all his kindred.\u201d Esther 10:3 (LXX): \u201cMordecai \u2026 was great in the kingdom, as well as honored by the Jews. His way of life was such as to make him beloved to his whole nation.\u201d The MT has, literally, \u201cspeaks peace\u201d where NJPS translates \u201cinterceded for the welfare.\u201d The Greek translation explains this idiom as describing Mordecai\u2019s personal behavior rather than his political services on behalf of the Jews.
\nIn the LXX Esther, God has scripted the events in advance (see Addition A), and he has determined the outcome. The Jews are explicitly pious and scrupulous in following the demands of Torah. In crisis, they pray (Add. Esth. A.9; C). The Jews\u2019 strength lies not in their personal fortitude, and not at all in military tactics and courage, but only in prayer and faith in God.
\nThough the Additions are Jewish in origin, they have been maintained only in Christian traditions, particularly the Greek Orthodox, for whom the LXX is still sacred Scripture. Some of the material of the Additions became known to the Jews through Josippon, a 10th-century chronicle of the Jews traditionally ascribed to Joseph ben Gurion. The chronicle derives its material largely from Josephus\u2019s Jewish Antiquities. The Additions have some parallels in the midrashim, in Tg. Esth. I (Tg. Rishon) and, especially, in the periphrastic and expansionistic Tg. Esth. II (Tg. Sheni). The parallel passages were composed independently of the Greek Additions, in response to the same perceived lacks, above all the mention of God, the history of Israel, and the prayers of the Jewish heroes. One possible case of a shared tradition is Addition E; see the introduction to Addition E, below.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Clines, David J. A. \u201cThe Esther Scroll, 168\u201374.\u201d Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series 30. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1984.
\nDay, Linda. \u201cThree Faces of a Queen.\u201d Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series 186. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995.
\nDorothy, Charles. \u201cThe Books of Esther: Structure, Genre, and Textual Integrity.\u201d Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series 187. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997.
\nFox, Michael V. \u201cCharacter and Ideology in the Book of Esther, 168\u201374, 265\u201373.\u201d Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans, 1999.
\n\u2014\u2014\u2014. The Redaction of the Books of Esther: On Reading Composite Texts. SBL Monograph Series 40. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1991.
\nLevenson, Jon D. \u201cEsther, 27\u201334 and passim.\u201d Old Testament Library. Louisville KY: Westminster John Knox, 1997.
\nMoore, Carey A. \u201cDaniel, Esther, and Jeremiah: The Additions.\u201d Anchor Bible 44. Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1977.
\nNETS. A New English Translation of the Septuagint. Ed. Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright. Oxford: Oxford University. Esther, translated by Karen Jobes: pp. 425\u201341.
\nVialle, Catherine. Une Analyse narrative compare d\u2019Esther TM et LXX. Louvain: Universit\u00e9 Catholique de Louvain, 2007.
\nWace, Henry. \u201cThe Rest of the Chapters of Esther.\u201d In The Holy Bible: Apocrypha, 1:361\u2013402. London: John Murray, 1888.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
Addition A<\/p>\n
1In the second year of the reign of Artaxerxes [Ahasuerus] the Great, on the first day of Nisan, Mordecai son of Jair son of Shimei son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, had a dream. 2He was a Jew living in the city of Susa [Shushan], a great man, serving in the court of the king. 3He was one of the captives whom King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon had brought from Jerusalem with King Jeconiah of Judea. And this was his dream:
\n4Noises and confusion, thunders and earthquake, tumult on the earth! 5Then two great dragons came forward, both ready to fight, and they roared terribly. 6At their roaring every nation prepared for war, to fight against the righteous nation. 7It was a day of darkness and gloom, of tribulation and distress, affliction and great tumult on the earth! 8And the whole righteous nation was troubled; they feared the evils that threatened them, and were ready to perish. 9Then they cried out to God; and at their outcry, as though from a tiny spring, there came a great river, with abundant water; 10light came, and the sun rose, and the lowly were exalted and devoured those held in honor.
\n11Mordecai saw in this dream what God had determined to do, and after he awoke he had it on his mind, seeking all day to understand it in every detail.
\n12Now Mordecai took his rest in the courtyard with Gabatha [Bigthan] and Tharra [Teresh], the two eunuchs of the king who kept watch in the courtyard. 13He overheard their conversation and inquired into their purposes, and learned that they were preparing to lay hands on King Artaxerxes; and he informed the king concerning them. 14Then the king examined the two eunuchs, and after they had confessed it, they were led away to execution. 15The king made a permanent record of these things, and Mordecai wrote an account of them. 16And the king ordered Mordecai to serve in the court, and rewarded him for these things. 17But Haman son of Hammedatha, a Bougean, who was in great honor with the king, determined to injure Mordecai and his people because of the two eunuchs of the king.<\/p>\n
Addition B<\/p>\n
1This is a copy of the letter: \u201cThe Great King, Artaxerxes, writes the following to the governors of the hundred twenty-seven provinces from India to Ethiopia and to the officials under them:
\n2\u201cHaving become ruler of many nations and master of the whole world (not elated with presumption of authority but always acting reasonably and with kindness), I have determined to settle the lives of my subjects in lasting tranquility and, in order to make my kingdom peaceable and open to travel throughout all its extent, to restore the peace desired by all people.
\n3\u201cWhen I asked my counselors how this might be accomplished, Haman\u2014who excels among us in sound judgment, and is distinguished for his unchanging goodwill and steadfast fidelity, and has attained the second place in the kingdom\u20144pointed out to us that among all the nations in the world there is scattered a certain hostile people, who have laws contrary to those of every nation and continually disregard the ordinances of kings, so that the unifying of the kingdom that we honorably intend cannot be brought about. 5We understand that this people, and it alone, stands constantly in opposition to every nation, perversely following a strange manner of life and laws, and is ill-disposed to our government, doing all the harm they can so that our kingdom may not attain stability.
\n6\u201cTherefore we have decreed that those indicated to you in the letters written by Haman, who is in charge of affairs and is our second father, shall all\u2014wives and children included\u2014be utterly destroyed by the swords of their enemies, without pity or restraint, on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month, Adar, of this present year, 7so that those who have long been hostile and remain so may in a single day go down in violence to Hades, and leave our government completely secure and untroubled hereafter.\u201d<\/p>\n
Addition C<\/p>\n
1Then Mordecai prayed to the LORD, calling to remembrance all the works of the LORD.
\n2He said, \u201cO LORD, LORD, you rule as King over all things, for the universe is in your power and there is no one who can oppose you when it is your will to save Israel, 3for you have made heaven and earth and every wonderful thing under heaven. 4You are LORD of all, and there is no one who can resist you, the LORD. 5You know all things; you know, O LORD, that it was not in insolence or pride or for any love of glory that I did this, and refused to bow down to this proud Haman; 6for I would have been willing to kiss the soles of his feet to save Israel! 7But I did this so that I might not set human glory above the glory of God, and I will not bow down to anyone but you, who are my LORD; and I will not do these things in pride. 8And now, O LORD God and King, God of Abraham, spare your people; for the eyes of our foes are upon us to annihilate us, and they desire to destroy the inheritance that has been yours from the beginning. 9Do not neglect your portion, which you redeemed for yourself out of the land of Egypt. 10Hear my prayer, and have mercy upon your inheritance; turn our mourning into feasting that we may live and sing praise to your name, O LORD; do not destroy the lips of those who praise you.\u201d
\n11And all Israel cried out mightily, for their death was before their eyes.
\n12Then Queen Esther, seized with deadly anxiety, fled to the LORD. 13She took off her splendid apparel and put on the garments of distress and mourning, and instead of costly perfumes she covered her head with ashes and dung, and she utterly humbled her body; every part that she loved to adorn she covered with her tangled hair. 14She prayed to the LORD God of Israel, and said: \u201cO my LORD, you only are our king; help me, who am alone and have no helper but you, 15for my danger is in my hand. 16Ever since I was born I have heard in the tribe of my family that you, O LORD, took Israel out of all the nations, and our ancestors from among all their forebears, for an everlasting inheritance, and that you did for them all that you promised.
\n17\u201cAnd now we have sinned before you, and you have handed us over to our enemies 18because we glorified their gods. You are righteous, O LORD! 19And now they are not satisfied that we are in bitter slavery, but they have covenanted with their idols 20to abolish what your mouth has ordained, and to destroy your inheritance, to stop the mouths of those who praise you and to quench your altar and the glory of your house, 21to open the mouths of the nations for the praise of vain idols, and to magnify forever a mortal king.
\n22\u201cO LORD, do not surrender your scepter to what has no being; and do not let them laugh at our downfall; but turn their plan against them, and make an example of him who began this against us. 23Remember, O LORD; make yourself known in this time of our affliction, and give me courage, O King of the gods and Master of all dominion! 24Put eloquent speech in my mouth before the lion, and turn his heart to hate the man who is fighting against us, so that there may be an end of him and those who agree with him. 25But save us by your hand, and help me, who am alone and have no helper but you, O LORD. 26You have knowledge of all things, and you know that I hate the splendor of the wicked and abhor the bed of the uncircumcised and of any alien. 27You know my necessity\u2014that I abhor the sign of my proud position, which is upon my head on days when I appear in public. I abhor it like a filthy rag, and I do not wear it on the days when I am at leisure. 28And your servant has not eaten at Haman\u2019s table, and I have not honored the king\u2019s feast or drunk the wine of libations. 29Your servant has had no joy since the day that I was brought here until now, except in you, O LORD God of Abraham. 30O God, whose might is over all, hear the voice of the despairing, and save us from the hands of evildoers. And save me from my fear!\u201d<\/p>\n
Addition D<\/p>\n
1On the third day, when she ended her prayer, she took off the garments in which she had worshiped, and arrayed herself in splendid attire. 2Then, majestically adorned, after invoking the aid of the all-seeing God and Savior, she took two maids with her; 3on one she leaned gently for support, 4while the other followed, carrying her train. 5She was radiant with perfect beauty, and she looked happy, as if beloved, but her heart was frozen with fear. 6When she had gone through all the doors, she stood before the king. He was seated on his royal throne, clothed in the full array of his majesty, all covered with gold and precious stones. He was most terrifying.
\n7Lifting his face, flushed with splendor, he looked at her in fierce anger. The queen faltered, and turned pale and faint, and collapsed on the head of the maid who went in front of her. 8Then God changed the spirit of the king to gentleness, and in alarm he sprang from his throne and took her in his arms until she came to herself. He comforted her with soothing words, and said to her, 9\u201cWhat is it, Esther? I am your husband. Take courage; 10You shall not die, for our law applies only to our subjects. Come near.\u201d
\n11Then he raised the golden scepter and touched her neck with it; 12he embraced her, and said, \u201cSpeak to me.\u201d 13She said to him, \u201cI saw you, my LORD, like an angel of God, and my heart was shaken with fear at your glory. 14For you are wonderful, my LORD, and your countenance is full of grace.\u201d 15And while she was speaking, she fainted and fell. 16Then the king was agitated, and all his servants tried to comfort her.<\/p>\n
Addition E<\/p>\n
1This following is a copy of this letter:
\n\u201cThe Great King, Artaxerxes, to the governors of the provinces from India to Ethiopia, one hundred twenty-seven provinces, and to those who are loyal to our government, greetings.
\n2\u201cMany people, the more they are honored with the most generous kindness of their benefactors, the more proud do they become, 3and not only seek to injure our subjects, but in their inability to stand prosperity, they even undertake to scheme against their own benefactors. 4They not only take away thankfulness from others, but, carried away by the boasts of those who know nothing of goodness, they even assume that they will escape the evil-hating justice of God, who always sees everything. 5And often many of those who are set in places of authority have been made in part responsible for the shedding of innocent blood, and have been involved in irremediable calamities, by the persuasion of friends who have been entrusted with the administration of public affairs, 6when these persons by the false trickery of their evil natures beguile the sincere goodwill of their sovereigns.
\n7\u201cWhat has been wickedly accomplished through the pestilent behavior of those who exercise authority unworthily can be seen, not so much from the more ancient records that we hand on, as from investigation of matters close at hand. 8In the future we will take care to render our kingdom quiet and peaceable for all, 9by changing our methods and always judging what comes before our eyes with more equitable consideration.
\n10\u201cFor Haman son of Hammedatha, a Macedonian (really an alien to the Persian blood, and quite devoid of our kindliness), having become our guest, 11enjoyed so fully the goodwill that we have for every nation that he was called our father and was continually bowed down to by all as the person second to the royal throne. 12But, unable to restrain his arrogance, he undertook to deprive us of our kingdom and our life, 13and with intricate craft and deceit asked for the destruction of Mordecai, our savior and perpetual benefactor, and of Esther, the blameless partner of our kingdom, together with their whole nation. 14He thought that by these methods he would catch us undefended and would transfer the kingdom of the Persians to the Macedonians.
\n15\u201cBut we find that the Jews, who were consigned to annihilation by this thrice-accursed man, are not evildoers, but are governed by most righteous laws 16and are children of the living God, most high, most mighty, who has directed the kingdom both for us and for our ancestors in the most excellent order.
\n17\u201cYou will therefore do well not to put in execution the letters sent by Haman son of Hammedatha, 18since he, the one who did these things, has been hanged at the gate of Susa with all his household\u2014for God, who rules over all things, has speedily inflicted on him the punishment that he deserved.
\n19\u201cTherefore post a copy of this letter publicly in every place, and permit the Jews to live under their own laws. 20And give them reinforcements, so that on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, Adar, on that very day, they may defend themselves against those who attack them at the time of oppression. 21For God, who rules over all things, has made this day to be a joy for his chosen people instead of a day of destruction for them.
\n22\u201cTherefore you shall observe this with all good cheer as a notable day among your commemorative festivals, 23so that both now and hereafter it may represent deliverance for you and the loyal Persians, but that it may be a reminder of destruction for those who plot against us.
\n24\u201cEvery city and country, without exception, that does not act accordingly shall be destroyed in wrath with spear and fire. It shall be made not only impassable for human beings, but also most hateful to wild animals and birds for all time.\u201d<\/p>\n
Addition F<\/p>\n
1And Mordecai said, \u201cThese things have come from God; 2for I remember the dream that I had concerning these matters, and none of them has failed to be fulfilled. 3There was the little spring that became a river, and there was light and sun and abundant water\u2014the river is Esther, whom the king married and made queen. 4The two dragons are Haman and myself. 5The nations are those that gathered to destroy the name of the Jews. 6And my nation, this is Israel, who cried out to God and were saved. The LORD has saved his people; the LORD has rescued us from all these evils; God has done great signs and wonders, wonders that have never happened among the nations.
\n7\u201cFor this purpose he made two lots, one for the people of God and one for all the nations, 8and these two lots came to the hour and moment and day of decision before God and among all the nations. 9And God remembered his people and vindicated his inheritance.
\n10\u201cSo they will observe these days in the month of Adar, on the fourteenth and fifteenth of that month, with an assembly and joy and gladness before God, from generation to generation forever among his people Israel.\u201d
\n11In the fourth year of the reign of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, Dositheus, who said that he was a priest and a Levite, and his son Ptolemy brought to Egypt the preceding Letter about Purim, which they said was authentic and had been translated by Lysimachus son of Ptolemy, one of the residents of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n
Job 34<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
In chapter 34 of the book of Job, Elihu (Elious LXX), a friend of Job (Iob LXX), again refutes Job\u2019s contention of innocence. Starting with Job\u2019s claim to be righteous, which implies that God is not righteous, Elihu asserts that Job is wicked (vv. 7\u20139) and that God\u2019s righteousness is beyond question (vv. 10\u201328). In verses 34\u201337, Elihu remarks that \u201cwise\u201d men\u2014unlike Job\u2014realize that Job has spoken foolishly and risks multiplying his sins against God.
\nThe differences between the Septuagint (LXX) and the traditional Hebrew (Masoretic Text) stem from the Greek translator\u2019s free approach: the LXX rephrases and frequently streamlines ideas and verses in the MT, probably in response to the often verbose and repetitive Hebrew text.<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Cox, Claude E. \u201cElihu\u2019s Second Speech according to the Septuagint.\u201d In Studies in the Book of Job, edited by W. E. Aufrecht, 36\u201353. Studies in Religion 16. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1985.<\/p>\n
TRANSLATION<\/p>\n
1Now Elious [Elihu] resumed and said:
\n2\u201cHear me, you wise men;
\nO you, who know, give ear to what is good\u2014
\n5because Iob [Job] has said, \u2018I am righteous;
\nthe LORD dismissed my case,
\n6and played false in my judgment,
\n8seeing that I have not sinned or acted impiously
\nor shared a way with doers of lawless acts,
\nto walk with the impious.\u2019
\n9For do not say, \u2018There will be no visitation of a man\u2019\u2014
\nwhen there is visitation to him from the LORD!<\/p>\n
10\u201cTherefore, you intelligent of heart, hear me:
\nfar be it from me to act impiously before the LORD,
\nand before the Almighty to pervert what is right.
\n11Rather, he repays a person, according to what each of them does.
\n12Now, do you think the LORD will do what is amiss?
\nOr will the Almighty pervert justice?
\n13He that created the earth?
\nAnd who is it that sustains what is under heaven and all it contains?
\n14For if he should wish to confine
\nand to keep his spirit with himself,
\n15all flesh will die together,
\nand every mortal return to dust, whence too he was formed.
\n16\u201cBut lest he rebuke you, hear these things;
\ngive ear to the sound of my words.
\n17Look then at him that hates lawless acts,
\nand destroys the wicked,
\nsince he is forever just.
\n18Impious is he who says to a king, \u2018You are acting lawlessly!\u2019
\n19he no reticence before a person of worth,
\nnor knows how to accord honor to the prominent,
\nso that their persons be respected.
\n20But crying out and begging, a man will prove to be of no use to them,
\nfor they used people lawlessly,
\nwhen the powerless were being turned aside.<\/p>\n
21\u201cFor he is one that views human deeds,
\nand nothing of what they do has escaped him,
\n22nor will there be a place to hide for those that do lawless acts.
\n23For the LORD observes all people\u2014
\n24he who comprehends inscrutable things,
\nthings both glorious and extraordinary without number;
\n25he who reveals their deeds,
\n26and has extinguished the impious\u2014
\nyes, they were in plain view before him,
\n27because they turned aside from God\u2019s law,
\nand did not recognize his requirements.<\/p>\n
34\u201cSo, the intelligent of heart will say these things,
\nand a wise man will have grasped what I said.
\n35But Iob did not speak with intelligence,
\nand his words were without knowledge.
\n36Nonetheless, learn O Iob!
\nNo longer give a response as fools do,
\n37lest we add to our sins,
\nand lawlessness be reckoned against us,
\nwhile speaking many words before the LORD.\u201d<\/p>\n
Daniel 4<\/p>\n
Emanuel Tov<\/p>\n
Daniel 4 in the Masoretic Text (MT) tells of King Nebuchadnezzar\u2019s (Nabouchodonosor\u2019s LXX) dream of an enormous tree that provides shelter and food for many. By divine decree, the tree is felled with only its stump left remaining in the ground (vv. 1\u201314). Daniel\u2019s interpretation indicates that the dream refers to the king, and he tries to convince him to atone for his sins (vv. 15\u201324). However, the king\u2019s subsequent behavior attests to arrogance and madness (vv. 25\u201330). Finally, the king turns to God, is fully rehabilitated, and is returned to power as king (vv. 31\u201334). The commentary below covers only verses 1\u201324.
\nThe Septuagint (LXX) version of chapter 4, like that of chapters 5\u20136, differs greatly from the Aramaic text of the MT. (Daniel is one of the few biblical books that contain portions originally written in Aramaic.) The Greek text lacks a few sections, such as verses 3\u20136 of the MT, but on the whole is much longer (see vv. 14a, 30a\u2013c, 34a\u2013c). Its exegetic expansions depend much on the language and imagery of the stories and dreams in chapters 2\u20133 and 5\u20137. At the same time, the MT also seems to be expanded (see vv. 3\u20136), so that the exact relation between the two texts is complicated. The LXX reflects various theological interpretations that may derive from either the translator or the rewritten Aramaic composition. Thus, all MT verses referring to Daniel possessing a \u201cspirit of the holy gods\u201d are lacking in the LXX (4:5\u20136; 5:11, 14), the phrase \u201cMost High\u201d is added to the MT (v. 21), and the king\u2019s mania is described as resulting from his destruction of Jerusalem (vv. 1, 19).<\/p>\n
SUGGESTED READING<\/p>\n
Henze, Matthias. The Madness of King Nebuchadnezzar: The Ancient Near Eastern Origins and Early History of Interpretation of Daniel 4. Supplements for the Study of Judaism 61. Leiden: Brill, 1999.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
The Septuagint Emanuel Tov \u201cSeptuagint\u201d is the ancient Jewish-Greek translation of Hebrew Scripture. Septuaginta means \u201cseventy\u201d in Latin (usually abbreviated as LXX). This name derives from the tradition that the first Greek translation of the Torah (Pentateuch) was prepared by 72 elders, 6 from each of the 12 original tribes. The number 72 was subsequently … <\/p>\n