The Psalm Superscriptions and the Guilds*
\nI
\nThe Priestly Code makes no provision for any recitative or musical component in the official cult. This fact takes on significance in light of the wealth of detail that, by contrast, characterizes its descriptions of the ritual. The omission is extraordinary in that the ritual word and the ritual act are two interconnected and inseparable elements in the ancient near eastern cults. A. Leo Oppenheim has described the situation as follows: \u201cPrayers in Mesopotamian religious practice are always linked to concomitant rituals.\u2026 Ritual activities and accompanying prayers are of like importance and constitute the religious act.\u201d The lacuna in the Priestly Code fits in with the all but total silence in the superscriptions of the psalms concerning the cultic settings or associations of the individual compositions. Here again, Oppenheim\u2019s remarks about Mesopotamian practice are pertinent: \u201cThese rituals are carefully described in a section at the end of the prayer which addresses either the praying person or the officiating priest; \u2026 to interpret the prayers without regard to the rituals in order to obtain insight into the religious concepts they may reflect distorts the testimony.\u201d The fact that Akkadian psalms generally furnish the requisite, self-identifying, typological, and cult-functional information merely serves to emphasize the extraordinary nature of the silence of the biblical psalms about their connections with the cult.
\nThese two reciprocal peculiarities, that of the Priestly Code on the one hand, and of the psalms on the other, are augmented by yet a third puzzling phenomenon. The individual psalms are ascribed exclusively to nonpriests. The superscriptions feature the names of Moses, David, Solomon, and various Levites, but never that of Aaron or Aaronite priests, although several psalms are attributed to the sons of Aaron\u2019s archenemy, Korah.
\nAll this harmonizes with the consistent postexilic traditions that clearly differentiate between the two institutions of sacrifice and psalmody, the former being attributed to Moses, the latter to David (2 Chron. 23:18). It is as though these sources are fully aware that the cultic situation in Israel was extraordinary in that the ritual act and the ritual word appear to have individually distinct and differentiated histories.
\nThe classical critical reconstruction of the history of worship in Israel is best illustrated by R. H. Pfeiffer, who maintained that the Pentateuch achieved its final edition about the year 400 b.c.e. Since it ignores the whole institution of temple singing, although the contemporary ritual is described in great detail, it proves that the regular, organized liturgy was still unknown in Jerusalem in 400 b.c.e. It was between 400 and 250 b.c.e. that the guilds of temple singers, according to Pfeiffer, \u201cwere organized and provided with their hymnals.\u201d The bulk of the psalter, in fact, \u201cprobably originated at this period.\u201d
\nY. Kaufmann, on the other hand, who by and large ascribed the composition of the psalms to the preexilic period, suggested a different explanation for the nonmention of any recitative or musical element in the cult of the Priestly Code. To him, the first Temple was \u201cthe temple of silence\u201d, a distinctive innovation of the priests who deliberately set about fashioning a nonpagan, nonmagical religion by disengaging the spoken ritual from the cultic act, downgrading the former in terms of relative importance.
\nII
\nAs attractive as Kaufmann\u2019s theory is, it fails to take into account several important aspects of the problem. It is well known that all literature in the ancient world waged a constant struggle for survival. If the psalms had been wholly separated from the cult, it would be difficult to conceive of another ambience in ancient Israel powerful enough to have ensured the preservation of the individual compositions and to have encouraged their assemblage into large collections. Moreover, there is abundant evidence to prove that the spoken word and vocal and instrumental music could not have been entirely absent from temple service in the period before the exile, the general silence of the pentateuchal sources notwithstanding.
\nIn the first place, it should be pointed out that even though Deuteronomy repeatedly refers to the chosen \u201cplace\u201d almost exclusively in relation to sacrifice, yet it is also a peculiar characteristic of this book that it prescribes the recitation of prayers and other formulae in connection with certain ritual ceremonies, namely, the expiation of an unsolved murder of an unidentified victim (Deut. 21:1\u20139), the bringing of the first fruits (26:2\u201310) and of the third-year tithe (vv. 12\u201315). Furthermore, even the Priestly Code itself makes provision for verbal confession accompanying the offerings (Lev. 5:5; 16:21). It also prescribes a verbal admonition by the priest to a suspected adultress (Num. 5:21\u201322) and an oral priestly blessing with a fixed formula (6:22\u201326). In another source, Hannah is engaged in prayer at the Temple of Shiloh when her family went there for an annual sacrifice (1 Sam. 1:3, 10\u201315) and it is hard to believe that such a form of religious expression was unique to her. The prophet Samuel is reported to have prayed aloud as he offered up a burnt offering (ibid., 7:9), and it is quite apparent from the book of Amos that songs and music went together with animal sacrifice and oblation as a fixed and regular constituent of the rituals practised in the temple at Bethel (Amos 5:21\u201323). There is absolutely no reason to think that this mode of worship was exclusive to this place. On the contrary, in his dedicatory invocation which he recited before the altar in the Temple at Jerusalem, Solomon envisages the institution essentially as a place of \u201cprayer and supplication,\u201d and he begins and concludes his address with sacrifices (1 Kings 8:5, 12\u201364). Isaiah similarly portrays the Temple as a house of prayer, and he denounces equally the multiplicity of prayers and sacrifices (Isa. 1:13\u201315). His contemporary, King Hezekiah, must surely be reflecting the reality of the first Temple when he speaks of offering music at the house of the Lord all the days of his life (38:20). Such a sentiment would hardly have been acceptable had not instrumental music constituted a fixed part of the service. Again, if the prophet of the Babylonian exile designates the Temple at Jerusalem the \u201cHouse of prayer\u201d (56:7), this, too, must faithfully reflect preexilic actuality. The same conclusion is to be drawn from another exilic document, one most likely of Levite origin, in which a \u201cSong of Zion\u201d is identified as a \u201csong of the Lord\u201d (Ps. 137:3f.). Finally, and perhaps the most decisive argument of all, is the presence of a vast amount of psalmodic language embedded in the prophetic orations. This phenomenon testifies to a deep-rooted, well-formulated, and long-established tradition of public psalmody, one that could only have had its roots in and been sustained by the cult.
\nThe cumulative effect of all the foregoing evidence adduced from the Biblical sources is the intensification of the twin problems of the general silence of the pentateuchal sources about any recitative or musial accompaniment to the sacrifices and the absence of any information in the superscriptions to the psalms about the cultic Sitz im Leben of these compositions. The conclusions would seem to be inescapable, firstly, that in the eyes of the priests psalmody was indeed extrinsic to the sacrificial rites, as Kaufmann observed, and, secondly, that the origins, cultivation and preservation of the psalms must be sought outside of priestly circles, though not necessarily beyond a temple ambience. This state of affairs, however, presupposes the existence of independent nonpriestly, musical guilds active within a temple complex. Can such an assertion be supported by the facts?
\nIII
\nThe only information that we have concerning temple singers and musicians derives from postexilic sources. As has already been mentioned, the Chronicler makes a sharp distinction between the institution of sacrifice, which he attributes to Moses, and that of psalmody, which he ascribes to David (2 Chron. 23:18). The same differentiation is made by the book of Ezra (3:2, 10), and the author of Nehemiah is likewise conscious of the fact that David had originally set up the musical guilds (Neh. 12:24, 45\u201346). The book of Chronicles purports to provide the historical background to this tradition. It describes how, when David moved the ark to Jerusalem thereby making the city the cultic center of Israel, he appointed Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, of the levitical clans of Kohath, Gershom, and Merari respectively, to take charge of the vocal music (1 Chron. 6:16\u201334). This story is amplified in 1 Chron. 15:16\u201324, and at the end of David\u2019s life there are supposedly no less than four thousand Levites whose responsibility it is to praise the Lord on musical instruments (23:5\u20136, 30). Further details of David\u2019s classification of the musicians are given in another passage (25:1\u20138), and no opportunity is lost by the Chronicler to emphasize the Davidic origin of the institution, whether the context deals with Solomon (2 Chron. 8:14), Jehoiada (23:18), Hezekiah (29:20, 25), or Josiah (35:15).
\nThe obvious question is whether these traditions possess any historical kernel. Are they merely retrojections from the early second Temple into the first Temple? Admittedly, the genealogies of the biblical singers as recorded in the book of Chronicles leave much to be desired. They are often internally inconsistent, and they betray evidence of schematization and artificiality. This, however, does not of itself discredit the claim of a preexilic origin for the guilds. In fact, a close examination of the various sources tends to support the basic proposition.
\nIV
\nWithout doubt, the association of David with the institution of liturgical singing primarily arose from the fact that it was he who captured Jerusalem and who, by moving the ark there, transformed it into a great cultic center. There is no reason to doubt, and every reason to accept the authenticity of the traditions that stress David\u2019s ambition to build a temple (2 Sam. 7:2, 4 = 1 Chron. 17:1, 4, et al.), and if such be the case, why should he not have interested himself in the organization of its forms of worship? It is surely no accident that the biography of David depicts him as an accomplished harpist (1 Sam. 16:16\u201323; 19:9), a composer of dirges (2 Sam. 1:17; 3:33) and hymns (22:1), and an inventor of musical instruments (Amos 6:5). This last-mentioned tradition is also prominent in the postexilic sources (Neh. 12:36; 1 Chron. 23:5; 2 Chron. 7:6, 29:26f.).
\nPostbiblical lore has, of course, credited David with the authorship of the book of Psalms, even though seventy-three only of its one hundred and fifty compositions actually have the title le-dawid. It has been shown that this tradition is but the late crystallization of a trend that gradually displaced earlier and variant traditions. But the antiquity of the tradition associating David with psalm authorship is apparent from the fact that no less than sixty-five of the seventy-three Davidic psalms are contained in the first two divisions of the book. These are universally agreed to constitute the earliest collection, and this conclusion is supported by the colophon, \u201cThe prayers of David son of Jesse are ended\u201d (72:20), which demonstrates that the editor was oblivious of the existence of the other eighteen Davidic psalms. The paucity of Davidic ascriptions in the rest of the psalter despite the increasing tendency to associate David with the composition of that work, as is evidenced by the Greek translation and the colophon to the Psalms scroll from Qumran, proves that the canonical superscriptions were fossilized fairly early, and that scribes and editors did not feel free to add to them at will in the text tradition represented by the Masorah. An interesting case in point is provided by the Chronicles version of the removal of the ark to Jerusalem. At David\u2019s behest, the Levites, led by Asaph, chant Pss. 105, 96, 107, and 106 (1 Chron. 16). Nevertheless, none of these compositions appears in the canonical psalter with a Davidic or Asaphite ascription. This is not to say, of course, that David is to be necessarily regarded as having been the author of all those psalms that bear the title le-dawid. It is to say that this ascription is very early and that it has its origin in an authentic tradition linking David with liturgical music.
\nV
\nThe question now arises as to whether the other names that appear in the superscriptions to psalms might not, in like manner, rest on ancient and genuine traditions. It is to be noted that Asaph, the Korahites, Heman and Ethan all appear as clan guilds in the postexilic sources, and that neither these nor the psalter contains the name of a guild that does not appear in the other. Are all these sources interdependent?
\nThe fact of the matter is that of all the clan guilds the Asaphites alone are recorded in the lists of those returning from the Babylonian exile (Ezra 2:41 = Neh. 7:44), and they alone participate in the ceremony marking the founding of the second Temple (Ezra 3:10). Not one of the others is even mentioned in Ezra\u2013Nehemiah. There would be no reason for the Chronicler to have invented Heman, Ethan, and the Korahites had they never existed and no ground for the book of Ezra\u2013Nehemiah to have suppressed the fact of their existence had they indeed been active in the restoration period. This line of reasoning receives added impetus from recent archaeological finds, for the name bny qr\u1e25 appears on an inscribed bowl from the Arad temple, showing that the clan bearing this name was active in preexilic times. Incidentally, this conclusion is reinforced by evidence from the same site for the presence of the Kerosites in this period, a family of the Nethinim the existence of which is otherwise known from Ezra 2:44 ( = Neh. 7:47) only and is not recorded in any preexilic source. It may be added that if the levitical clan guilds, Asaph, Korah, Heman, and Ethan, be late inventions, it is strange that Books IV and V of Psalms, which by general consensus are the latest parts of the canonical psalter, do not ascribe any compositions to them. Nor do the Greek and Qumran versions add any but Davidic superscriptions.
\nFurthermore, it can be demonstrated that the clan guild names attached to some of the psalms cannot be connected with the Chroni-clestraditions, nor can the data of this work be a reflex of the psalms headings.
\n(a) Twelve psalms are attributed to Asaph and eleven to the Korahites. Clearly, there is little to choose between the two guilds in terms of their importance and roles in the history of psalmody as far as the evidence from the psalter is concerned. This picture, however, is in striking contrast to that reflected in the postexilic historiography. To the Chronicler, the Asaphites were by far the most prestigious of all the levitical clan guilds, and their association with the official cult is said to span the entire period from David to Josiah. They participate in each of the great temple services and, as has already been noted, they are the sole remaining singers and musicians in the period of the restoration (Ezra 2:41; Neh. 7:44). The Korahites, on the other hand, are not mentioned among the levitical clans appointed by David to lead the recitative-musical side of the service. They play no role in any of the great national acts of public worship. Only once do they appear as participants in a cultic ceremony, and even then they share the honors with the Kohathites. This occurred in the days of King Jehoshaphat (873\u2013849 b.c.e.) in connection with an Ammonite and Moabite attack at Eyn Gedi (2 Chron. 20:19). Otherwise, the Chronicler depicts the Korahites as \u201cguards of the threshold of the tabernacle\u201d (1 Chron, 9:19), as \u201cpreparers of the wafers\u201d (v. 31) and as \u201cgate-keepers\u201d (1 Chron. 26:1, 19).
\n(b) A similar discrepancy between the traditions of Chronicles and those of the book of Psalms emerges from an examination of the history of Heman. Only one psalm is associated with this name (Ps. 88), and this not exclusively so. Yet the postexilic historiographer accords Heman pride of place among the singers who are said to have officiated when David brought the ark to Jerusalem, and Asaph and Ethan acted as his assistants (1 Chron. 15:17, 19). Once the ark was in its resting place, Heman was appointed by David to lead the worship (6:18), and his precedence over Asaph is again demonstrated by his central position on that occasion, flanked as he was by Asaph on the right and Ethan on the left (vv. 24, 29). He bears the title \u201cHeman the singer\u201d (v. 18); he is connected with the Kohathites (ibid.), and is the grandson of none other than Samuel (ibid.). No less than twenty-one generations are listed back to Levi (vv. 18\u201323) in contrast with Asaph\u2019s fourteen (vv. 24\u201328) and, in addition, special mention is made of his fourteen sons and three daughters (1 Chron. 25:5). Moreover the Hemanites, like the Asaphites, took an active part in all the great occasions of public worship down to Josiah\u2019s time. Such is the Chronicler\u2019s picture; yet Ezra\u2013Nehemiah ignores this guild and the psalter assigns it but a solitary composition!
\nThere can be no doubt that in respect of Asaph, the Korahites, and Heman the data to be culled from the psalms superscriptions are totally at variance with the traditions of postexilic biblical historiography. Neither source is a reflex of the other. Each is independent of the other and both, as was shown above, contrast strongly with the realities of the restoration period as recorded in Ezra\u2013Nehemiah. Psalms and Chronicles must both represent genuine preexilic, if irreconcilable traditions.
\nVI
\nThe antiquity of organized liturgical music in Israel should not be regarded as in any way surprising in light of the documented history of the institution in the ancient near east. Sumerian musicological traditions can be traced back to as early as the middle of the third millenium b.c.e. From this time come the Early Dynastic lists of professions which include singers and musicians. By the Old Babylonian period this tradition was very highly developed. Vocalists and instrumentalists, both male and female, were a staple feature of Mesopotamian temple personnel. In Egypt, likewise, singers and musicians of both sexes occupied an important place in the temple cult. One wisdom text declares \u201csinging, dancing and incense\u201d to be the \u201cfood\u201d of the god, i.e., they constitute the proper forms of divine service. The Ugaritic texts have yielded several references to \u0161rm, vocalist-instrumentalists, in lists of people grouped together according to guilds. In some of these khnm and qd\u0161m, the two main priestly classes, are also mentioned in addition to craftsmen, while in one text m\u1e63lm, cymbalists, also appear. The existence of identifiable, organized groups of professional musicians as temple personnel at Ugarit is firmly established.
\nOne of the characteristics of the guilds in general was the familial pattern adopted for their organization. A member might be designated a \u201cson\u201d of a trade or profession, or the members of the same calling might trace their descent back to a common ancestor. The longevity of such traditions is astonishing. In mid-second millenium Babylon there were scribal families that claimed to trace their ancestry back ten or more centuries. In Assyria, from c. 900 b.c.e. to the fall of Nineveh in 612 b.c.e., a single family monopolized the office of Head of the Royal Chancery. There are recorded instances of artisans who claimed descent from one who lived at least seven hundred years earlier, and the onomastic evidence from the guild lists in the early Achaemenid period shows that skills could stay in the same family generation after generation.
\nThe foregoing evidence makes it difficult to understand why the notion of the antiquity of liturgical music in Israel should have encountered such scholarly resistance. Nor is it clear why the various clans of professional singers could not have followed the familial pattern common to the guilds of Mesopotamia. Already in the period of the united monarchy, we can discern the beginnings of the concentration of skills and of bureaucratic positions within individual families, when Solomon appointed as \u201cscribes\u201d the two sons of David\u2019s \u201cscribe\u201d (1 Kings 4:3; 2 Sam. 20:25). Unfortunately, the onomastic data in the Hebrew Bible is too meagre to permit the kind of reconstruction that is possible from the Mesopotamian sources, but we can follow the history of a few professional families from the period of Josiah to the destruction of Judea, and the results are most revealing.
\nMembers of the Shaphan family were active during the reigns of three Judean kings in succession. Thus, Shaphan \u201cthe scribe\u201d, as well as his son, Ahikam, served King Josiah (2 Kings 22:3, 12; 2 Chron. 34:8, 20; Jer. 26:24). Another son, Gemariah, was a high official during the reign of King Jehoiakim (Jer. 36:10, 12, 25) as was also Gemariah\u2019s son, Micaiah (v. 11). Elasah, another Shaphanid, served King Zedekiah (29:3), while Ahikam\u2019s son, Gedaliah, became governor of Judea after the destruction (2 Kings 25:22; Jer. 39:14; 40:5 et al.). Another family whose bureaucratic service also spans the reigns of the last kings of Judah is that of Achbor son of Micaiah (2 Kings 22:12; 2 Chron. 34:20) who served Josiah. His son Elnathan was ambassador to Egypt for King Jehoiakim (Jer. 26:22; 36:12, 25), and his grandson is most likely the \u201cConiah son of Elnathan\u201d mentioned in the Lachish letters as performing similar service for King Zedekiah. A third instance is that of Neriah, whose son, Baruch, was Jeremiah\u2019s amanuensis (Jer. 32:12 et al.) and whose other son, Seraiah, was part of the diplomatic entourage of Zedekiah on his visit to Babylon (51:59).
\nThese few examples, fortuitously preserved in biblical literature, may safely be understood to be representative of the general pattern, especially in Judah where the unbroken stability of the Davidic dynasty over a period of half a millenium would have fostered and sustained the growth of professional families who traditionally derived their livelihood from service to the state. The concentration of skills within these families, transmitted from father to son(s), would have been a natural concomitant of their status. There seems to be no reason at all why the same situation should not have obtained in the cult centers of Judah and Israel. Conforming to widespread near eastern practice, these institutions may be expected to have nourished professional guilds modeled after the family pattern. There is no reason for skepticism either as to the first temple antiquity of the liturgical musical clan guilds in Israel, or as to the basic genuineness of the traditions which associate these groups with the names of Asaph, Ethan, Heman, and the Korahites. These guilds were attached to temples which were the source of their income, but because of their specialized skills, they would also have been highly mobile. When one cult center was destroyed or declined, the professionals could migrate to another. The narratives about Micah the Levite in the days of the Judges (Judges 17) and about the migration of Levites from north to south in the days of Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:13f.) provide excellent examples of this type of mobility.
\nVII
\nIf we look upon the psalms collections as the repertoires of musical guilds that operated in the various cult centers throughout Judah and Israel, then we can explain how the individual compositions came to be preserved and we are able to account for many puzzling phenomena. The fact of the multiplicity of shrines in Judah and Israel throughout most of the monarchy period hardly needs documentation, but it is worth recalling that several existed for hundreds of years, apparently enjoying great prestige. Dan, Bethel, Beer Sheba, Geba, and Gilgal receive special mention in the sources. Gibeon is of particular interest, because David is said to have assigned Heman and Jeduthun to act as liturgical singers there (1 Chron. 16:39\u201342). The surprising discovery of the Arad temple, not referred to in any biblical source, amply illustrates the ramified nature of this network of cultic institutions. All these places may be assumed to have maintained a cadre of professional personnel and to have provided opportunities of employment for the clan guilds. It would have been at such places that psalms would have been composed, recited, preserved, collected, and transmitted from generation to generation within the local guild.
\nThe migration of professionals from guild to guild and the absorption or displacement of one guild by another supplies a plausible explanation for the duplication of individual psalms or units within the psalter and for the occasional attribution of one psalm to two personages. By the same token, the presence of the name of the same singer in different genealogical lists need not necessarily always be the product of scribal confusion but may sometimes authentically reflect different historical situations, in which a member of one clan guild passed over to another and was incorporated within it. Moreover, the otherwise inexplicable presence within the book of Psalms of compositions of undoubted northern Israelite provenance now finds a natural explanation. Psalms like 77, 80, and 81 in which Israel is referred to as \u201cJoseph\u201d could not have originated in Judah. They belonged to the northern shrines and must have been brought south by the remnants of the temple personnel who fled from the destruction of their shrines by the Assyrians. At this time, much of the archives and literature of the north was brought to Jerusalem and was in this way preserved from oblivion.
\nThe severance of tradition about the meaning of the technical terminology of the psalms is another problem that can find its solution through the well-founded assumption that guilds were the bearers and tradents of liturgical poetry. The Greek translation shows that the terms were already alien to the scholars who worked on it early in the second century b.c.e. In other words, even during second Temple times, when the chanting of psalms constituted the core of the worship, the musicological terminology was no longer intelligible. The reason for this loss of understanding is that the terms belonged to the era of the first Temple when the different collections of psalms were still the actual repertoires of the various temple guilds who may be assumed to have carefully guarded their professional techniques. A curious parallel to such a state of affairs derives, indeed, from the second Temple. Tannaitic literature has preserved a tradition about a certain Hygros b. Levi who was in charge of the temple singing and who earned the opprobrium of the sages for selfishly withholding his professional secrets from others. At the other end of the chronological spectrum, Mesopotamian incantation and psalm literature provides us with another analogy, for the Akkadian scribes who inherited and copied the Sumerian texts were unable to understand the technical terms used therein.
\nAnother problem that can now be satisfactorily resolved is the discrepancy between the data that can be culled from the superscriptions to the psalms and that supplied by the book of Chronicles. It is clear that the two sources reflect quite different perceptions of reality, the former having preserved the remnants of the guild repertoires, the latter the state of affairs in the Jerusalem cultus. If the Chronicler does not depict the Korahites as singers, it is because they did not function as such in Jerusalem. When the psalms headings disclose the importance of this guild in the composition and preservation of liturgical texts, they faithfully mirror the role of the Korahites in provincial shrines.
\nVIII
\nIt now remains to return to the problems with which this study opened, viz., why the Priestly Code has nothing to say about any vocal-instrumental component of the cult, and why the superscriptions of the psalms carry no cult-functional information.
\nThe resolution of these enigmas must be sought in the contrast between the primary role of sacrifice and the undoubtedly secondary nature of liturgical music in the Israelite cult. Sacrifice lay within the exclusive domain of the established priesthood; the singers were minor clerics. Even outside Israel, where the cultic role of singers and musicians was highly important, their social status was not correspondingly so. In Egypt, it appears that in the oldest epochs these functionaries were of low rank, and it was in late times only that their prestige increased. In Mesopotamia, the overseer of the musicians could not compare in social status and power with the overseers of other specialized crafts. In Israel, the separation of sacrifice from the vocal-musical side of the service, in emphasis of the nonmagical nature of the national religion, meant that the singers would, merely in virtue of that fact, have assumed an inferior position in the temple hierarchy. The priestly texts are intended to be a manual of instruction for the levitical priesthood, and it should occasion no surprise that those aspects or forms of worship not entrusted to it should have been beyond their interest.
\nAs to the reason why the book of Kings ignores the singers, their lowly status in the first Temple and the additional fact that the main centers of psalmody were most likely the provincial shrines provide sufficient warrant. But how to explain the absence from the superscriptions to the individual psalms of any information about an accompanying cultic act?
\nThe possibility cannot be eliminated that such notices were once attached to the headings of individual compositions and that in the course of time they fell out because they were rendered meaningless when the psalms came to be used for prayer independently of the temple service. However, the likelihood of this having happened is diminished by our inability to explain why, in the same circumstances, the information about the guilds and the technical musicological terminology was retained even though it, too, had become unintelligible. Accordingly, it will be prudent to assume that the psalms never did possess any such cult-functional notices.
\nIn that case, when were the psalms recited? There is evidence to support the view that the times of the tamid, the regular daily burnt offering in early morning and late afternoon, were regarded as the most appropriate for intercession. The narrative in 2 Chron. 29:27 shows that the levitical choir burst into song as the early sacrificial rite began (cf. v. 20). Other passages in the same book indicate that this was the usual practice in the early second Temple (1 Chron. 16:40\u201342; 23:30\u201331), and Ben Sira\u2019s description of the temple service at the beginning of the second century b.c.e. specifies the same procedure (Ben Sira 50:11\u201319). There is no doubt that this coordination of the vocal-musical recitation with the regular offering was rooted in first Temple usage. This finds clear expression in Ps. 92:2\u20134:
\nIt is good to praise the LORD,
\nto sing hymns to your name O Most High,
\nTo proclaim your steadfast love at daybreak,
\nYour faithfulness each night
\nWith the ten-stringed harp,
\nWith voice and lyre together.
\nThe morning and late afternoon temple services naturally became the times for individual prayer. The morning occasion is attested in the psalter in several passages:
\nHear my voice, O LORD, at daybreak;
\nat daybreak I plead before you, and wait.
\n(Ps. 5:4)
\nBut I will sing of your strength,
\nextol each morning your faithfulness;
\nfor you have been my haven,
\na refuge in time of trouble.
\n(Ps. 59:17)
\nAs for me, I cry out to you;
\neach morning my prayer greets you.
\n(Ps. 88:14)
\nOn the other hand, it was at the time for the regular evening (meal-?) offering (min\u1e25ah) that Elijah chose to submit his prayer (1 Kings 18:29, 36). Daniel (9:3\u201319, 21) and Ezra (9:5) likewise selected the identical hour for the same purpose, and this would seem to reflect preexilic practice. One text, in particular, supports this and indicates that the custom of coordinating prayer with the evening temple service was well based:
\nTake my prayer as an offering
\nof incense,
\nmy upraised hands as an
\nevening sacrifice.
\n(Ps. 141:2)
\nThis passage clearly belongs to a time when there was not only a close cultic connection between prayers and the late afternoon offerings but when prayer was itself achieving independent status. The psalm text, like all the preceding ones, does not mention animal sacrifice, although the burnt offering was prescribed for the evening as well as for the morning. The phrase used in each case is min\u1e25ath \u02bferev, \u201cthe evening (meal-) offering.\u201d It would appear that in the course of the monarchy period there were times when the animal sacrifices were suspended at the evening service. Thus, the instructions of King Ahaz to the high priest concerning the use of his new \u201cgreat altar,\u201d expressly distinguishes between the \u201cmorning burnt-offering\u201d (\u02bfolah) and the \u201cevening (meal-) offering\u201d (min\u1e25ah) (2 Kings 16:15). Similarly, Ezekiel mentions the morning sacrifice only and ignores completely that of the evening (Ezek. 46:13\u201315). In these circumstances, the evening service would comprise the incense-offering and the meal-offering, and it would be the smoke of the former that would be the signal for prayer. It cannot be accidental that in the great temple vision of Isaiah (ch. 6), the prophet observes the angels rhapsodizing God while the building kept filling with smoke (v. 4). This can be none other than the smoke of the incense, since the visionary ritual takes place in the inner sanctuary which was the proper place for the altar of incense. It must also be remembered that the incense had an expiatory function that made it appropriate to the purposes of the ritual of Isaiah ch. 6.
\nThis close association between the incense-offering and the prayers is of particular significance for the development of the Israelite liturgy in the cult places outside of Jerusalem. One of the intriguing questions relating to the religious history of Israel is the nature of the impact that the reformism of Hezekiah and of Josiah had on the type of worship carried on external to the Temple. Early in the eighth century b.c.e. widespread efforts were made under royal authority to restrict the practice of animal sacrifice. The far-reaching and more thoroughgoing measures taken by Josiah about a hundred years later made the Temple in Jerusalem the exclusive cultic site. The numerous cult centers that had existed for so long had clearly fulfilled a basic need for the individual and the community. What was the response to the centralizing measures of Hezekiah and Josiah? The fact that a precedent had already been set in the Jerusalem Temple for the possibility of a service without animal sacrifice but with incense offering, oblation, and psalmody, must have made the transition to new forms easier. It is possible, in fact, that archeology has supplied us with remarkable testimony to the reality of this development. If Aharoni\u2019s stratification and interpretation are correct, the temple at Arad remained in service for another hundred years after the altar of sacrifices had been removed in the time of Hezekiah, following two centuries in continuous use. In the subsequent intervening period there is evidence for the use of incense. The proof is lacking, but it is reasonable to assume that prayer and psalmody became the core of the ritual.
\nA revealing narrative that supports the theory that incense and meal-offering developed independently of animal sacrifice is that of the eighty mourning men who set out for Jerusalem from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria. They carried with them \u201cmeal offering (min\u1e25ah) and frankincense\u201d (Jer. 41:5) even though the temple was known to be in ruins. Nothing is mentioned of animal sacrifice. The most decisive text of all comes from the Elephantine papyri. Here we have a petition (dated 408 b.c.e.) on behalf of the Jews of Yeb to Bigvai, the Persian governor of Judea, for permission to rebuild the temple in that place. It states that in the past \u201cmeal offerings [min\u1e25ah], frankincense, and animal sacrifices [\u02bfalawah]\u201d had been conducted there and it requests their reinstatement. It reports that an earlier appeal to the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Jerusalem had gone unanswered. What is of crucial importance is that the affirmative reply of the governor permits only meal offering (min\u1e25atha) and incense and that a further petition from the same source relating to this temple at Yeb emphatically excludes animal sacrifice. In other words, the priesthood in Jerusalem does not seem to have objected to this arrangement; it already had a respectable history behind it.
\nIt is worth noting that several texts from second Temple times, and beyond, have preserved mention of the practice of coordinating prayer with the incense-offering. Thus, it is related in the book of Judith: \u201c\u2026 and the incense of the evening was now being offered at Jerusalem in the house of God and Judith cried unto the Lord with a loud voice.\u2026\u201d (Judith 9:1) The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs mentions \u201cthe archangels who minister and make propitiation to the Lord for all the sins of ignorance of the righteous, offering to the Lord sweet smelling savour, a reasonable and bloodless offering\u201d (3:5\u20136). A similar picture of angelic liturgy, which obviously is a reflex of terrestrial usage, comes from the Book of Adam: \u201cAnd I beheld golden censers between your father and the chariot and all the angels with censers and frankincense came in haste to the incense-offering and blew upon it and the smoke of the incense veiled the firmaments. And the angels fell down and worshipped God, crying aloud and saying, JAEL, Holy One, have pardon, for he is thy image and the work of thy holy hands.\u201d
\nMoving to the New Testament, we note a report that \u201cthe whole multitude of the people were praying outside at the hour of incense\u201d (Luke 1:10). This close interplay of incense offering and prayer is explicitly and symbolically articulated in the book of Revelation, where \u201cthe golden bowls full of incense are the prayers of the saints\u201d (5:8). A vision is described in which an \u201cangel came and stood at the altar with a golden censer; and he was given much incense to mingle with the prayers of all the saints upon the golden altar before the throne; and the smoke of the incense rose with the prayers of the saints from the hand of the angel before God\u201d (8:3f).
\nIn rabbinic literature of postdestruction times, the memory of the meal-offering incense-prayer association was well preserved:
\nR. Yose said: \u201cthe afternoon (min\u1e25ah) prayer does not correspond to the tamid of eventide, but to the incense. How so? \u2018Let my prayer be as an offering of incense before you, my upraised hands as the evening meal-offering\u2019 \u201d (min\u1e25ah) (Ps. 141:2).
\nA midrashic text interprets Mal. 1:11 as follows: R. Samuel bar Na\u1e25man said, \u201cwhat is the pure meal-offering which in every place is fragrantly (muq\u1e6dar) submitted for the name of the Holy One, blessed be He? It is the afternoon (min\u1e25ah) prayer. Muq\u1e6dar means none other than the afternoon prayer, as it is said, etc.\u201d (Ps. 141:2). Another midrash which expounds Ps. 141:2 recognizes prayer as a substitute for the now defunct incense offering: \u201cThus said David, \u2018My Lord, when the Temple existed we used to offer incense before you. Now that we have neither altar nor high priest, accept my prayer, etc.\u2019 \u201d
\nIX
\nA wealth of evidence of a varied nature, stretching from rabbinic times back through the second Temple and well into the monarchy period, demonstrates an interaction of the daily tamid ceremonies with prayer and psalmody. In the Jerusalem center itself, there were times when the constituents of the late afternoon service were the meal-offering, the incense-offering, and psalmody. As a result of the movement toward centralization of worship, the provincial shrines dropped the sacrificing of animals and in most cases also the meal-offerings. In these circumstances, psalmody would assume ever greater importance and become increasingly divorced from the sacrificial cult. It achieved independent status as an act of worship, a situation reflected in Ps. 141:2. The musical guilds attached to different cult centers would thereby gain increasing prestige. The repertoires of the guilds would be carefully collected and edited. As the provincial centers were progressively destroyed by successive invasions and by the sweeping reforms of Josiah, two forces would be set in motion which would interact to preserve the psalms literature. The movement of guild survivors southward to Jerusalem and their incorporation into the temple cult enriched the repertoires of the choirs and in this way ensured the survival of provincial and northern compositions. The various smaller collections that can be isolated within the psalter owe their origin to the historical processes here described, and just as the proverbs literature was edited by Hezekiah\u2019s literati (Prov. 25:1), so the psalms must have undergone similar treatment. At the same time, the closing down of the cult centers, whether by force of the deuteronomistic movement or by enemy action, obviously left in its wake a spiritual void that had to be filled. It is absurd to believe that the designation of Jerusalem as the exclusive cult center was either intended to, or could actually succeed in depriving all votaries of the national religion not within easy reach of Jerusalem of all form of self-expression. The one constituent of the cult that was independent of both edifice and priesthood was psalmody, and it must have filled the breach. In this way, the transition from a sacrificial, priest-controlled, cult to a democratized cultless religion was effected, and the people of Israel was enabled to overcome with relative ease the great crisis that the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians was to create.
\nLegal Terminology in Psalm 3:8
\nTHE PROBLEM
\nPsalm 3 is a petition recited in the first person by an individual who must certainly be the king of Israel or the commander-in-chief of the army. Verses 6\u20137 show the occasion to be the eve of battle. The army of Israel finds itself outnumbered by far and encircled by the enemy (v. 2). The military situation appears to be desperate; there is demoralization in the camp, and forebodings of disaster are heard on all sides (v. 3). However, the psalmist knows that in the last resort the fortunes of war rest in God\u2019s hands (v. 4). His unshakable faith saves him from despondency. He is certain that God will answer his prayer and deliver his people (vv. 5\u20137). Emboldened, the psalmist exhorts God as follows:
\nRise, O LORD!
\nDeliver me, O my God!
\nFor You slap all my enemies in the face;
\nYou break the teeth of the wicked.
\nInitially, this verse looks beguilingly simple. Nevertheless, it presents problems:
\n1. The invocation hardly seems to match the reality of the grim situation. Anyone surrounded by an overwhelming mass of enemy troops, and in danger of being annihilated, would surely pray for something far more drastic and decisive than that the foe receive a slap on the cheek and some broken teeth!
\n2. Superficially, the breaking of the teeth might be seen as the consequence of the slap on the cheek. However, in none of the other four biblical occurrences of slapping the cheek is any such connection even hinted at. Is there, then, another explanation for the association of the two?
\n3. The Hebrew phrase used for breaking the teeth would seem to be quite straightforward, requiring no further elaboration or clarification. Nevertheless, it is unique in the Hebrew Bible, other verbs being used to describe this action: the Hiphil of \u05e0\u05e4\u05dc is found in Exod. 21:7, and \u05d4\u05e8\u05e1 in Ps. 58:7. Why, then, did the psalmist employ \u05e9\u05d1\u05e8?
\nThe phrase \u201cto smite the cheek\u201d occurs in four biblical contexts:
\n(a) In 1 Kgs. 22:24 (= 2 Chr. 18:23) we read:
\nZedekiah son of Chenaanah stepped up and struck Micaiah on the cheek.
\nThis incident takes place \u201cat the entrance of the gate of Samaria\u201d (v. 10) in the presence of the kings of Judah and Israel and four hundred prophets (v. 6).
\n(b) Mic. 4:14 discloses:
\nThey strike the ruler of Israel
\nOn the cheek with a staff.
\nThis fragment of an oracle dealing with a siege of Jerusalem most likely refers to a real historical circumstance, and describes the action of the Assyrian commander.
\n(c) Job 16:10 laments:
\nThey open wide their mouths at me;
\nReviling me, they strike my cheeks;
\nThey inflame themselves against me.
\nHere it is uncertain whether Job complains of an actual assault upon his person or uses metaphoric language.
\n(d) Finally, Lam. 3:30 recommends:
\nLet him offer his cheek to the smiter;
\nLet him be surfeited with mockery.
\nThe various contexts make it absolutely clear, beyond the peradventure of a doubt, that to be struck on the cheek was an intolerable insult, a deep humiliation, not a mere slight to be soon forgotten. Obviously, the psalmist, in employing that phrase in his invocation has in mind a secondary, figurative sense. He is beseeching God to inflict a humiliating, crushing defeat on the enemy.
\nSMITING THE CHEEK IN IMPRECATIONS AND INCANTATIONS
\nThis biblical understanding of the serious nature of a slap on the cheek reflects the universal attitude of the peoples of the ancient Near East, which can be documented over a wide area for a long period of time. I shall first examine the phenomenon in magical and imprecatory texts, for if a curse against one\u2019s enemies includes striking the cheek, then it is a sure index of the severity with which it was viewed.
\nIn the composition generally known today as the \u201cDescent of I\u0161tar into the Netherworld,\u201d we read that the goddess Ere\u0161kigal, mistress of the abode of the dead, curses Asu\u0161unamir, a eunuch. She says to him, \u201cI will curse you with a great curse [l\u016b-zir-ka iz-ra rab\u00e2],\u201d which she promptly does, as follows:
\nThe food of the gutters of the city shall be your food;
\nThe sewers of the city shall be your drink;
\nThe shadow of the wall shall be your station;
\nThe threshold shall be your habitation;
\nThe besotted and the thirsty shall smite your cheek
\n[\u0161ak-ru \u00f9 \u1e63am-mu-\u00fa li-im-\u1e2ba\u1e63 li-it-ki].
\nThe identical curse is found once again on the lips of the ailing Enkidu in the Gilgame\u0161 Epic. Conscious of his impending death, he curses the harlot lass who had been hired to decoy him and teach him the arts of civilized living. Decreeing what he describes as a never-ending fate, he says:
\nI will curse you with a great curse.\u2026
\nThe besotted and the thirsty shall smite your cheek.
\nIn the Akkadian Maql\u00fb texts, the incantation series composed for priests who specialized in magic, we find among the conventional repertoire of curses that the magician recites,
\nI strike your cheek, I tear out your tongue
\na-ma\u1e2b-\u1e2ba\u1e63 li-it-ki a-\u0161al-la-pa li\u0161an-ki.
\nAnother instance of this action occurs in the Babylonian text on the New Year ritual, which details ceremonies performed in the Esagila. This includes a ritual in which the urigallu priest strips the king of all the insignia of royalty and then humiliates him by slapping his face. After this the monarch enters the innermost sanctuary, and in the presence of the image of the god Bel he makes a \u201cnegative confession\u201d for the past year. Among the sins he disavows is smiting on the cheek a subordinate who has the status of kidinnu.
\nMoving from Mesopotamia and Akkadian to North Syria and the Aramaic language, we find at Sfira the treaty between Barga\u2019yah, king of KTK, and Matti\u2018\u2019el, a king of Arpad, deriving from ca. 750 b.c.e. This treaty concludes with fearful curses to be heaped upon the violator, one of them being that his wives will be struck on the face.
\nSMITING THE CHEEK IN LEGAL TEXTS
\nIf this strikingly humiliating action has been incorporated into the ancient Near Eastern inventory of curses and magical incantations, then we should expect it to turn up in legal documents that relate to the offense of assault and battery. We are not disappointed; the evidence is at hand.
\nAs early as ca. 1850 b.c.e. the laws of E\u0161nunna, the Amorite city-state east of the Tigris (now Tell Asmar), treat the slap on the face as an actionable assault, along with biting off the nose and knocking out an eye and a tooth:
\nA slap in the face\u2014he shall weigh out 10 shekels of silver.
\nme-\u1e25e-e\u1e63 le-tim 10 \u0161iqil kaspam i\u0161aqqal
\nA court document from the Old Babylonian period (eighteenth century b.c.e.) is a record of a trial for assault and battery of an Amorite infantry man, Bir-ili\u0161u. He was accused of striking the cheek of Apilili\u0161u son of A\u1e2bu\u0161ina. The defendant denied the charge, but balked at making a disclaimer under oath. He was fined three and one-half shekels of silver.
\nHammurabi\u2019s laws similarly feature the slap in the face, and treat it very severely in no less than four paragraphs. The penalty for this particular offense varies according to the social standing of the assailant and victim. Paragraphs 202\u20133 are revealing, particularly in the contrasting penalties:
\nIf an awilum strikes the cheek of an awilum who is his superior, he shall be beaten sixty times in the assembly with an oxtail. If a mar awilum has struck the cheek of his equal, he shall pay one mineh [i.e., sixty shekels] of silver.
\nNearly two thousand years after Hammurabi, striking on the cheek is again featured as an actionable offense, this time in tannaitic sources. Mishnah Baba Qamma 8:6 prescribes a penalty of two hundred zuz (= one hundred shekels) for it and double that amount if the aggressor uses the back of his hand. This ruling is expanded in Tosephta Baba Qamma 9:31:
\nIf one struck someone with the back of his hand \u2026 he must pay four hundred zuz, not because it is a painful blow but because it is a humiliating blow.
\nThe Tosephta does not specifically mention the face as the object of the smack but from its citation of Ps. 3:8 as a proof text, it is clear that such is understood.
\nIn modern times, Abraham Shapira (1870\u20131965), head watchman of Petah Tikvah and a keen student of the ways and customs of the Bedouin, once observed the trial of two members of a tribe. One had been accused of stabbing someone with a sword, the other of having smacked someone on the face. The presiding sheikh dealt leniently with the stabber but severely with the other one. In explaining his verdict, he stated: \u201cThe striking of the cheek is a graver offense than stabbing with a sword, for the latter enhances the dignity of a man, while striking him on the cheek humiliates him.\u201d
\nTHE LEGAL SITZ-IM-LEBEN
\nFrom all the foregoing, one may conclude that in choosing his phraseology, the psalmist of Ps. 3:8 has carefully drawn on the conventional language of incantation and imprecation or on legal terminology. We can only decide which after examining the second sentence of the couplet.
\nAs in the preceding clause, we are dealing with a figure of speech, not with the primary meaning. Rashi takes note of this by glossing \u201cteeth\u201d by \u201cmight\u201d (\u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8\u05ea\u05dd). David Kimhi further explicates the underlying imagery. He says that the reference is to \u201cthose whose intention it is to tear him to pieces.\u201d By employing the verb \u05d8\u05e8\u05e3, Kimhi shows his understanding of the enemy being compared to a ravenous, ravaging beast (cf. also Ps. 124:6, Zech. 9:7), and he cites Job 29:17:
\nI broke the jaws of the wrongdoer,
\nAnd I wrested prey from his teeth.
\nI might also add Ps. 58:7:
\nO God, smash [\u05d4\u05e8\u05e1] their teeth in their mouth;
\nshatter the fangs of lions, O LORD.
\nTo break the teeth is to render impotent, ineffective, powerless to do harm.
\nAll this is clear and uncomplicated, except that, as noted above, Ps. 3:8 is the only text in the Hebrew Bible in which the phrase \u05e9\u05d1\u05e8 \u05e9\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd occurs. Does the uniqueness have any significance? In a recent article, Jo Ann Hacket and John Huehnergard pointed out that the exact Akkadian equivalent of this Hebrew term appears in a thirteenth-century b.c.e. legal document from the vicinity of ancient Emar (modern Meskeneh, about 100 km east-southeast of Aleppo). The document in question is a will, and it contains a penalty clause, as it were, for anyone who would contest its legality. The specific phrase is:
\nIf they contest, this tablet will break their teeth.
\n\u0161umma iraggum\u016b \u1e6duppu ann\u00fb \u0161innt\u0101\u012b\u0161unu u\u0161abbar
\nThis tablet thus establishes a definite legal as well as incantatory context for the phrase. In other words, both clauses of Ps. 3:8 under discussion can be documented as legal terminology.
\nWe can go even further than this in elucidating the jurisprudential setting. The laws of E\u0161nunna (\u00a742) and Hammurabi both exhibit a sequence of legal topics; for example, in the Hammurabi law code, injury through assault to the eye (\u00a7\u00a7198\u201399) is discussed first, then injury to the teeth (\u00a7\u00a7200\u2013201), immediately followed by the cases of the striking of the face (\u00a7\u00a7202\u20135). The likelihood of an Israelite psalmist having been directly influenced by E\u0161nunna\u2019s or Hammurabi\u2019s laws is, of course, utterly remote. But it is certainly within the realm of possibility, indeed of probability, that some Israelite legal text, not preserved, featured the same two laws juxtaposed as in these two collections. It is elementary that the legal corpora of the Torah represent only a small part of a much larger body of common law, perhaps orally transmitted, that was current in ancient Israel.
\nAn analogy to the above may be drawn from lex talionis. This \u201ceye for an eye\u201d formula is featured three times, once in each of the legal corpora of the Torah (Exod. 21:22\u201325, Lev. 24:17\u201322, Deut. 19:18\u201319, 21). A careful analysis of their surrounding contexts and of the relation of the legal formulation to the specific topic to which each is attached leaves no doubt that the lex talionis once circulated quite independently of its present pericopes as a discrete fossilized, general statement of legal policy. Whatever its original intent, the standardized formula came to express an abstract legal concept, the law of equivalence. In the same way, I would suggest that the two clauses of Ps. 3:8 go back to some ancient juristic compilation. They then came to be used abstractly and figuratively in literary texts to connote the infliction of humiliation and reduction to impotence. Such a development should occasion no surprise, for the judicial system was not detached from the life of the community; justice was carried on at the city gate, in public, so that legal terminology easily penetrated everyday speech.
\nHaving mentioned the lex talionis, it is appropriate to round out this paper with a brief mention of the well-known passage in Matt. 5:38\u201339 (cf. Luke 6:29):
\nYou have heard that it was said, \u201cAn eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.\u201d But I say unto you, Do not resist one who is evil. But if one strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other also.
\nI shall not relate to the problem that Jesus is here referring to private injury and that he must surely have known that, in his day certainly, the Pharisaic interpretation of the lex talionis rejected the literal application and required monetary compensation. Rather, I am struck by the juxtaposition of a blow to the eye, tooth, and cheek in that order as in the laws of E\u0161nunna and in Hammurabi. Jesus cites all three as examples of \u201cevil,\u201d which would make no sense unless \u201cstriking the cheek\u201d was taken to be an offense of the utmost severity. Is the sequence pure coincidence or does it, perhaps, reflect some fossilized legal formulation?
\nPsalm 19 and the Near Eastern Sun-God Literature
\nPsalm 19 contains two extraordinary features. It is unmistakably divided into two parts, vv. 2\u20137 (part A) being clearly differentiated from vv. 8ff. (part B) by theme, metric arrangement and style. Moreover, in all of biblical literature this psalm constitutes the sole instance of the natural functions of an astral body being described in the language of mythological personification. The biblical exegete has to take account of these two peculiarities. He has to try to explain why the disparate elements were united into a single psalm.
\nO. Schroeder, followed and developed by L. D\u00fcrr, drew attention to the undoubted points of contact between the mythological imagery of our psalm and the Mesopotamian \u0160ama\u0161 literature. They further observed that in the \u0160ama\u0161 hymns, the sun-god is invariably portrayed as both the god of light and the god of justice, the two motifs intermingling and succeeding one another smoothly and naturally. Hence, by analogy, the lack of logical thought sequence between the two parts of Ps. 19 may be more apparent than real, for we may be dealing with a reflex of a liturgical pattern well established in the ancient Near East.
\nThis paper, extracted from a monograph on the psalm, will summarize the evidence already adduced and bring additional evidence to establish that the writer of Psalm 19A was indeed influenced by the Near Eastern sun-god literature. This, however, is introductory to its main purpose which is to demonstrate that this same genre of literature has also left its impress on Ps. 19B, the hymn to the Torah, and has infused it with its characteristic terminology.
\ni. The Psalm opens with a cosmic motif in which all the elements of nature rhapsodize their Maker.
\nVerse 2: \u05d4\u05e9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05e1\u05e4\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd \u05db\u05d1\u05d5\u05d3\u05be\u05d0\u05dc \u05d5\u05de\u05e2\u05e9\u05d4 \u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05d5 \u05de\u05d2\u05d9\u05d3 \u05d4\u05e8\u05e7\u05d9\u05e2
\nBoth these themes are basic to the Near Eastern sun-god literature. The sun-god is the god of creation. Among the epithets of \u0160ama\u0161 in Babylonian sources is: \u201ccreator of heaven and earth\u201d (pa-ti-iq \u0161am\u0113 u ir\u1e63itim); \u201ccreator of everything in heaven and earth\u201d (ba-nu-u nap\u1e2bar kul-lat \u0161am\u0113 u ir\u1e63iti). In Egyptian literature the god Re is described as: \u201ccreator of all things \u2026 maker of things which are.\u201d He it is: \u201cwho made mankind and created the gods \u2026\u201d; \u201cwho made what is and created what exists\u201d; who is the \u201cmaker of all mankind, Creator and maker of that is \u2026\u201d
\nAnd as in our psalm, so in the Near Eastern religious literature, all creation rhapsodizes its maker, in this instance, the sun-god. In the famous \u0160ama\u0161 hymn we read: \u201cAt your appearing the counsellor gods rejoice. All the Igigi gods exult in you.\u201d \u201c\u0160ama\u0161, at your rising the gods of the land assemble \u2026\u201d \u201cThe whole of mankind bows down to you.\u201d Mesopotamian cylinder seals pictorially depict the other gods worshipping \u0160ama\u0161.
\nIn Egyptian hymns to the god Re we find: \u201cThou art exalted by reason of thy wondrous works.\u201d All creatures praise Re \u201cfrom the highest heights of heaven to the uttermost parts of the earth and to the lowest depths of the sea.\u201d \u201cThe stars which never rest sing hymns of praise unto thee and the stars which are imperishable glorify thee.\u201d
\nii. The sun is described as \u201ca groom coming forth from his bridal chamber\u201d \u05d5\u05d4\u05d5\u05d0 \u05db\u05d7\u05ea\u05df \u05d9\u05e6\u05d0 \u05de\u05d7\u05e4\u05ea\u05d5 (v. 6) and as \u201ca hero joyfully running his course\u201d \u05d9\u05e9\u05d9\u05e9 \u05db\u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8 \u05dc\u05e8\u05d5\u05e5 \u05d0\u05e8\u05d7.
\nIt is well-known that in Mesopotamian mythology the god \u0160ama\u0161 is provided with a consort Aya who is frequently referred to by the epithet kallatu, \u201cbride.\u201d One evening-hymn mentions that, \u201c\u0160ama\u0161 has betaken himself to his chamber.\u201d
\nAs to the title \u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8, this corresponds exactly to the frequently used epithet of \u0160ama\u0161 \u201cthe hero\u201d (qar-ra-du\/quradu, e\u1e6dlum). In Egypt, too, the morning sun is adored as a conquering hero, the \u201cvaliant\u201d one, who overthrows his enemies. In fact, the appellation fits in with the well-nigh universal concept of the sun-god as a youthful hero and mighty warrior, the sol invictus who once each twenty-four hours defeats the forces of darkness and evil.
\nAs to this hero joyfully running his course, numerous parallels likewise exist in Near Eastern literature. Suffice it to cite from an Egyptian hymn to Re: \u201cThou stridest over the heavens being glad at heart,\u201d \u201cThou passest over the heights of the heaven, thy heart swelleth with joy.\u201d
\nIt should be noted that whereas the course of the sun across the sky is frequently expressed mythologically in terms of a chariot ride or even a boat ride, yet neither simile was regarded as being incompatible with the figure of a runner, as symbolized in our psalm: \u05dc\u05e8\u05d5\u05e5 \u05d0\u05e8\u05d7.
\nIn Egyptian literature, the sun-god is \u201cthe great runner swift of step.\u201d He is described as \u201cRunner, Racer, Courser.\u201d The famous seal cylinders showing \u0160ama\u0161 stepping forth from his mountain home really represent a runner. A Hittite sun-hymn reads: \u201cO Istanu, mighty King! Thou stridest through the four eternal corners.\u201d The term \u05d0\u05e8\u05d7 evidently refers to the ecliptic of the sun, known in Akkadian as \u1e2barran \u0160am\u0161i. Interestingly, one of the epithets of \u0160ama\u0161 is: \u201cHe who traverses the way (ar\u1e2bat) of heaven and earth\u201d (ri-du-u ar-\u1e2ba-at \u0161amf u ir\u1e63itim).
\niii. Verse 7: \u05de\u05e7\u05e6\u05d4 \u05d4\u05e9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05d5\u05e6\u05d0\u05d5 \u05d5\u05ea\u05e7\u05d5\u05e4\u05ea\u05d5 \u05e2\u05dc \u05e7\u05e6\u05d5\u05ea\u05dd
\nThe circuit of the sun in the skies is an obvious and frequently stressed theme in the sun-god literature.
\nThe \u0160ama\u0161 hymn notes that, \u201cregularly and without cease you traverse the heavens. Every day you pass over the broad earth.\u201d An Egyptian hymn to Amon-Re eulogizes his \u201cRising in the Eastern horizon and going to rest in the Western horizon.\u201d A hymn to Re likewise emphasizes: \u201cThou goest forth each day over heaven and earth.\u201d
\niv. Verse 7: \u05d5\u05d0\u05d9\u05df \u05e0\u05e1\u05ea\u05e8 \u05de\u05d7\u05de\u05ea\u05d5
\nWhatever be the meaning of \u05d7\u05de\u05d4 here\u2014be it heat, light, sight or sun\u2014the reference is certainly to the all-pervasive effects of the sun\u2019s presence. This theme, too, is frequently emphasized in the sun-god literature. In the famous hymn of Akh-en-Aton we read: \u201cThy rays encompass the lands to the limit of all that thou hast made. As thou art Re thou reachest to the end of them.\u201d In the Babylonian \u0160ama\u0161 hymn the same note is sounded: \u201cYour fierce light fills the lands to their limits. \u0160ama\u0161, your glare reaches down to the abyss.\u201d One is also reminded of the Babylonian proverb: \u201cWhere can a fox go out of the presence of \u0160ama\u0161?\u201d (\u0161elibu la-pa-an d\u0160ama\u0161 e-ki-a-am il-lak). A Hittite sun-hymn declares: \u201cWhen Istanu (the sun) rises from the sky in the morning, thy light, Istanu, comes to all the upper and lower lands.\u201d
\nThese numerous, varied and striking parallels make abundantly clear that the author of Ps. 19A was thoroughly familiar with the contemporary sun-god literature. Of course, he assimilated and transformed its motifs to make them conform to the spirit of the religion of Israel, so that the sun is not an independent deity, but one of God\u2019s creatures, and it is not the sun who is the object of praise, but God who is extolled by the works of His creation.
\nv. We are now in a position to discuss the second part of the psalm, the hymn in praise of God\u2019s Law.
\nMention has already been made of the Mesopotamian association of the sun-god with righteousness and law. Such was the case throughout the ancient world. \u0160ama\u0161 represented the principle of cosmic justice. He was the \u201cjudge of heaven and earth\u201d (dayy\u0101n \u0161am\u0115 u ir\u1e63itim); \u201cthe judge of gods and men\u201d (\u0161aipi-i\u1e6d ili u a-wi-lu-tim) supervising the moral order, and he therefore sired \u201cequity and truth\u201d (me\u0161aru and kettu). As the inspiration of legislation his name was invoked in the law codes.
\nA Hittite hymn to the sun-god Istanu exclaims: \u201cThou establishest the custom and law of the lands\u201d; \u201cA just lord of government art thou.\u201d
\nIn the religion of Egypt Re, too, exemplified justice, He \u201cjudges the wicked from the just;\u201d \u201cjudges the weak and the injured;\u201d he is \u201cmaker of righteousness.\u201d
\nIn earlier times, he presided over the divine tribunal. The goddess Maat, the embodiment of truth and justice, law and order, was the daughter and confidante of Re.
\nA remarkable parallel to the association of the Torah (and its synonyms) with the natural light of the sun exists in an Egyptian hymn to Amon-Re which, after extolling the natural functions of the solar body, has the following passage: \u201cWho maketh decrees for millions of millions of years; Whose ordinances stand fast and are not destroyed; Whose utterances are gracious; Whose statutes fail not in his appointed season; Who giveth duration of life and doubleth the years of those unto whom he hath a favour.\u201d Note the four synonyms: decrees, ordinances, utterances, statutes and the epithets attached to them, as well as the final promise of reward, with which is to be compared \u05e2\u05e7\u05d1 \u05e8\u05d1 (v. 12).
\nvi. Equally remarkable is the fact that most, if not all, of the descriptions of the Torah in 19B are to be found as attributes of the sun-god.
\n(a) Verse 8: \u05de\u05e9\u05d9\u05d1\u05ea \u05e0\u05e4\u05e9
\nThe generative, life-giving powers of the sun-god are frequently stressed in the Near Eastern literature. In Egypt, \u201cHe maketh mortals to live,\u201d \u201cHe made all men to live,\u201d \u201cHe giveth duration of life,\u201d \u201cHe is the god of life.\u201d In Mesopotamia \u0160ama\u0161 is \u201cThe one who gives life\u201d (q\u0101\u2019i\u0161 bal\u0101\u1e6di), \u201cwho revives the dead\u201d (muballi\u1e6d m\u0113ti). In a Hittite hymn to the sun, the worshipper says: \u201cThou art life-giving.\u201d
\n(b) Verse 8: \u05e2\u05d3\u05d5\u05ea \u05d4\u05f3 \u05e0\u05d0\u05de\u05e0\u05d4
\nWe compare the corresponding Egyptian eulogy to the sun-god: \u201cwhose ordinances are permanent, whose ordinances stand fast and are not destroyed \u2026 whose statutes fail not \u2026\u201d
\n(c\u2013f) Verse 9: \u05e4\u05e7\u05d5\u05d3\u05d9 \u05d4\u05f3 \u05d9\u05e9\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1 \u05de\u05e6\u05d5\u05ea \u05d4\u05f3 \u05d1\u05e8\u05d4 \u05de\u05d0\u05d9\u05e8\u05ea \u05e2\u05d9\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd
\nThis verse alone is an excellent demonstration of how the epithets of the Torah are saturated with the language of the sun-god literature.
\n(c) \u05d9\u05e9\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd is reminiscent of one of the most popular Akkadian epithets of \u0160ama\u0161\u2014mu\u0161te\u0161ir, \u201cthe one who directs aright.\u201d He is b\u0113l kit-ti u me\u0161ari \u201clord of truth and right,\u201d and it is not without interest that me\u0161aru, the personification of right, was regarded as the offspring of \u0160ama\u0161.
\n(d) \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1
\nThe analogy between the \u201cjoy\u201d of the sun \u05d9\u05e9\u05d9\u05e9 \u05db\u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8 (v. 6) and the \u201cgladdening of the heart\u201d which God\u2019s directives bring, \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1, is obvious.
\nIn Egyptian literature, not only does the sun-god embark on his daily journey filled with joy, but he also brings joy to all the gods, and to the living and the dead.
\nIn a hymn to Re we are told that \u201cwhen thou risest in the horizon of heaven, a cry of joy goeth forth to thee from all people.\u201d \u201cIn every place every heart swelleth with joy at thy rising.\u201d
\nFurthermore, the combination of \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1 with \u05d1\u05e8\u05d4 and \u05de\u05d0\u05d9\u05e8\u05ea \u05e2\u05d9\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd is worthy of special consideration.
\nThe parallelism \u05d0\u05d5\u05e8 and \u05e9\u05de\u05d7 occurs in several biblical passages: Ps. 97:11 \u05d0\u05d5\u05e8 \u05d6\u05e8\u05d5\u05e2 \u05dc\u05e6\u05d3\u05d9\u05e7 \u05d5\u05dc\u05d9\u05e9\u05e8\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1 \u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d4; Ps. 107:42 \u05d9\u05e8\u05d0\u05d5 \u05d9\u05e9\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd \u05d5\u05d9\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d5; Ps. 119:74 \u05d9\u05e8\u05d0\u05d9\u05da \u05d9\u05e8\u05d0\u05d5\u05e0\u05d9 \u05d5\u05d9\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d5; Prov. 13:9 \u05d0\u05d5\u05e8 \u05e6\u05d3\u05d9\u05e7\u05d9\u05dd \u05d9\u05e9\u05de\u05d7 \u05d5\u05e0\u05e8 \u05e8\u05e9\u05e2\u05d9\u05dd \u05d9\u05d3\u05e2\u05da.
\nH. L. Ginsberg has pointed to the striking analogy between II AQHT II, 8\u20139 bdne [l]pnm t\u0161m\u1e2b w\u2019l y \u1e63hl pe[t] \u201cDanel\u2019s face lights up, while above his forehead shines,\u201d and Ps. 104:15 \u05d5\u05d9\u05d9\u05df \u05d9\u05e9\u05de\u05d7 \u05dc\u05d1\u05d1\u05be\u05d0\u05e0\u05d5\u05e9 \u05dc\u05d4\u05e6\u05d4\u05d9\u05dc \u05e4\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05df.
\nIn a recent study of \u05e9\u05de\u05d7, J. C. Greenfield cites another Ugaritic passage in which \u0161m\u1e2b occurs in combination with the verb nr. He shows that \u05e9\u05de\u05d7 in Ugaritic and Hebrew (occasionally in Aram., and Syr.) can mean \u201cto glow.\u201d
\n(e) \u05de\u05e6\u05d5\u05ea \u05d4\u05f3 \u05d1\u05e8\u05d4
\nThat we have here a transfer of epithets from the sun to the Torah is demonstrated by Song 6:10 \u05d1\u05e8\u05d4 \u05db\u05d7\u05de\u05d4. That this latter phrase is a clich\u00e9, is proven now by an Ugaritic legal text in which we have the phrase: km. \u0161p\u0161\/dbrt. kmt.\/br. \u1e63\u1e6dq\u0161lm \u2026 \u201cjust as the sun is bright\/free, so \u1e62i\u1e6dqu-salim is free \u2026\u201d In the light of the evidence here adduced, we have to conclude that the choice and concatenation of verbs in v. 9, \u05de\u05d0\u05d9\u05e8\u05ea \u05e2\u05d9\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd, \u05d1\u05e8\u05d4, \u05de\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05d1 is by no means fortuitous, but has, in fact, been conditioned by the consciousness of the comparison of the Torah to the sun.
\nIn this connection, mention should be made of the highly plausible suggestion of N. H. Tur-Sinai that the use of \u05e0\u05d6\u05d4\u05e8 in v. 12 may have been influenced by the meaning \u201cto shine, glow,\u201d which \u05d6\u05d4\u05e8 can bear in Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic.
\n(f) Verse 10: \u05d9\u05e8\u05d0\u05ea \u05d4\u05f3 \u05d8\u05d4\u05d5\u05e8\u05d4 \u05e2\u05d5\u05de\u05d3\u05ea \u05dc\u05e2\u05d3
\nHere, again, the epithet \u05d8\u05d4\u05d5\u05e8\u05d4 is innocent enough. However, in combination with \u05e2\u05d5\u05de\u05d3\u05ea \u05dc\u05e2\u05d3 some striking parallels exist in the sun-god literature.
\nA Mesopotamian hymn to \u0160ama\u0161 from the Neo-Babylonian Empire carries this line: \u201cBy thy pure word which is unchanging\u201d (i-na a-ma-ti-ka\/ el-li-ti\/ \u0161a la \u0161u-pi-e-lam).
\nThe concept of the purity of the sun has given rise to a standard clich\u00e9 in Akkadian legal documents from Ugarit: Kima il \u0161apa\u0161\/\u0161ap\u0161i zakiti\/zaka-at; kima \u0161am\u0161i zaki\/zaka. The sun as a symbol of permanence and stability is likewise a familiar theme in biblical and Near Eastern literature. Ps. 72:5 \u05d9\u05d9\u05e8\u05d0\u05d5\u05da \u05e2\u05dd\u05be\u05e9\u05de\u05e9 \u05d5\u05dc\u05e4\u05e0\u05d9 \u05d9\u05e8\u05d7 \u05d3\u05d5\u05e8 \u05d3\u05d5\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd; Ps. 89:37 \u05d6\u05e8\u05e2\u05d5 \u05dc\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd \u05d9\u05d4\u05d9\u05d4 \u05d5\u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05d5 \u05db\u05e9\u05de\u05e9 \u05e0\u05d2\u05d3\u05d9. The Phoenician inscription from Karatepe III, 1. 19, refers to \u05e9\u05de\u05e9 \u05e2\u05dc\u05dd.
\nNot only is the sun a figure of permanence, but his word too is eternal. The famous Mesopotamian \u0160ama\u0161 hymn has: \u201cYour manifest utterance cannot be changed\u201d (\u0161u-pu-u zik-ru-ka ul in-nen-ne-u); \u201cwhose utterance cannot be changed\u201d (\u0161\u00e1 l\u0101 in-nen-ne-u qi-bit pi-\u0161\u00fa).
\nA Babylonian proverb echoes the same idea: \u201cLike \u0160ama\u0161, the king\u2019s word is sure, his command unequalled, and his utterance cannot be altered\u201d (\u0160arru ki-ma d[\u0161a-ma\u0161 a-mat-su ki-na-at] qi-bi-is-su ul i\u0161-\u0161a-na-an \u2018si-t pi-\u0161u\u2019 [ul ut-tak-kar]). Egyptian hymns speak of Re: \u201cwhose utterances are permanent \u2026 whose ordinances stand fast and are not destroyed.\u201d
\n(g) Verse 10: \u05de\u05e9\u05e4\u05d8\u05d9\u05be\u05d4\u05f3 \u05d0\u05de\u05ea
\nAmong prominent epithets of \u0160ama\u0161 in Akkadian literature is: \u201clord of truth\u201d (b\u0113l kitti), \u201cThe one of truth\u201d (\u0161a ki-na-a-ti). In Egypt, the same title is given to Re who is \u201cthe Lord of truth\u201d, \u201cliving on truth.\u201d
\n(h) Verse 11: \u05d4\u05e0\u05d7\u05de\u05d3\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05d6\u05d4\u05d1 \u05d5\u05de\u05e4\u05d6 \u05e8\u05d1
\nThis is a familiar enough simile, especially in wisdom literature. Yet one might wonder whether its employment here has not been occasioned by the sun literature, for one of the epithets of Re is the Golden Sun Disk, and this god is quoted as saying of himself: \u201cMy skin is of pure gold.\u201d An Egyptian \u201cUniversalist Hymn to the Sun,\u201d has this line: \u201cFine gold is not like the radiance of thee,\u201d a sentiment very close to that of our verse.
\n(i) Verse 11: \u05d5\u05de\u05ea\u05d5\u05e7\u05d9\u05dd \u05de\u05d3\u05d1\u05e9 \u05d5\u05e0\u05e4\u05ea \u05e6\u05d5\u05e4\u05d9\u05dd
\nThe \u201csweetness\u201d of God\u2019s word is not unparalleled in biblical literature. The same comparison is to be found in Egyptian and Hittite sun-god texts. A hymn to Amon-Re calls the god \u201cpossessor of sweetness,\u201d and to him it is said, \u201cThe sweetness of thee is in the northern sky.\u201d Even closer to our psalm verse is a Hittite hymn which declares \u201cthat the sun-god Istanu\u2019s message is sweet to everyone.\u201d
\nvii. The question now arises as to whether it is possible to fix the date of the psalm. To ask the question in a different way, what circumstances would have evoked a hymn of adoration to the Torah which made use of the standard terminology of the sun-god literature, combined with a nature hymn that describes the circuit of the sun in mythological language? The formulation of the problem in this manner itself points to a solution.
\n(a) A panegyric of the type of Ps. 19B could only reflect a concept of Torah as a crystallized, authoritative body of literature. This is not possible before the Deuteronomic Reform of Josiah.
\n(b) Of all the Pentateuchal documents, Deuteronomy is the only one that, in fact, makes the Torah an object of national glorification (Deut. 4:6\u20138).
\n(c) Of all the Pentateuchal documents, Deuteronomy alone contains an explicit prohibition of astral worship (Deut. 4:19; 17:3).
\n(d) The Deuteronomic Reform of Josiah, when the Torah became the focal point of the national religion, followed a period when the astral cult, especially sun-worship, achieved its maximum penetration of Judea. King Manasseh (ca. 687\u2013642) had actually turned the Temple of Jerusalem into a national idolatrous shrine in which astral worship played a conspicuous role, and in which \u201csun-chariots\u201d were prominently displayed. A notable feature of the Josianic Reform was the destruction of just these sun-chariots (2 Kings 21:3, 5; 23:5, 11).
\n(e) The prophet Zephaniah, who belonged to this same period, also recorded the sin of astral worship (Zeph. 1:5). Most remarkably, in chapter 3, vv. 4, 5 and 17 he mentions the Torah and, in the spirit and language of our psalm, he compares the moral order that governs the world (\u05de\u05e9\u05e4\u05d8) to the natural order exemplified by the shining forth of the morning sun: \u2026 \u05d1\u05d1\u05e7\u05e8 \u05d1\u05d1\u05e7\u05e8 \u05de\u05e9\u05e4\u05d8\u05d5 \u05d9\u05ea\u05df \u05dc\u05d0\u05d5\u05e8 (Zeph. 3:5). He even uses the simile of a \u201cjoyful hero\u201d to describe God: \u05d0\u05dc\u05d4\u05d9\u05da \u05d1\u05e7\u05e8\u05d1\u05da \u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05e8 \u05d9\u05d5\u05e9\u05d9\u05e2 \u05d9\u05e9\u05d9\u05e9 \u05e2\u05dc\u05d9\u05da \u05d1\u05e9\u05de\u05d7\u05d4 \u2026 \u05d4\u05f3 (Zeph. 3:17).
\n(f) Jeremiah (8:2) and Ezekiel (8:16) also describe the astral cult and specifically the sun-worship practised in Jerusalem and the Temple.
\n(g) All these facts in combination confirm D\u00fcrr\u2019s conjecture that our psalm belongs to the period of the Josianic Reform. In my opinion, Psalm 19 is an anti-pagan polemic, specifically, an anti-sun-god polemic, that has made use of the standard terminology of the Near Eastern sun-god literature to combat the sun-cult ideologically and to glorify God and his Torah.
\nPsalm 89: A Study in Inner Biblical Exegesis
\nI. THE PROBLEM
\nMuch scholarly attention has been focused upon two aspects of Psalm 89. It has long been accepted that it is a composite of originally disparate elements and it is widely agreed that verses 20\u201338 constitute a version of Nathan\u2019s oracle to David promising eternity to the Davidic dynasty. Little notice has been given, however, to the techniques by which the psalmist welded together the individual parts into a cohesive unity. And while the problem of the interrelationships of the several recensions of the oracle has been thoroughly explored, it has generally been overlooked that Psalm 89 verses 20\u201338 actually constitute, not a recension of the original oracle, but an interpretation of it.
\nIt is the purpose of this paper to attempt to rectify both these omissions. In the course of our researches, it is hoped at the same time that we may be able to draw some new conclusions about the date and exact historical circumstances that called forth the psalm in its completed form.
\nII. THE INTEGRATION OF DISPARATE ELEMENTS
\nThe combination of originally unrelated elements into an integrated unit is a literary phenomenon familiar to us from the ancient world. The classic example is the Gilgamesh epic of Babylon, many of its component parts having been formerly independent episodes borrowed from Sumerian compositions, while the twelfth tablet has been appended to the epic even without any attempt at integration.
\nA similar situation obtains in the Greek epic. Without entering into the complicated \u201cHomeric question,\u201d it may yet be noted that both the Iliad and the Odyssey exemplify the same process of literary development.
\nThe identical tendency is not lacking in Biblical literature. This is true of Psalm 19, in which an old nature hymn (verses 1\u20137) has been combined with a Torah hymn (verses 8\u201315). Psalm 70 has been incorporated into Psalm 40 (verses 14\u201318), and Psalm 108 is a composition of parts of Psalms 57 (verses 8\u201312) and 60 (verses 7\u201314).
\nIn these particular instances it is not always easy to distinguish the principle by which integration has been effected. However, there is an ever-growing recognition of the fact that many Biblical passages have been placed in juxtaposition solely on the basis of association of ideas, words, or phrases.
\nIII. THE PSALM AS A UNITY
\nA careful study of Psalm 89 provides overwhelming evidence to prove that this same principle has been operative in the successful cohesion of the disconnected elements into a harmonious whole.
\nThe psalm seems to fall naturally into three divisions:
\n(i) a hymn, verses 2\u20133, 6\u201319,
\n(ii) an oracle, verses 4\u20135, 20\u201338, and
\n(iii) a lament, verses 39ff.
\nNow it may be noted at once that verses 4\u20135 have been inserted designedly after verses 2\u20133, on the basis of a midrash connecting God\u2019s \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3 and \u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05d4 in His sovereignty over the universe with His \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3 and \u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05d4 in His promise of eternal sovereignty to the Davidic line. It will be further observed that \u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd, \u05dc\u05d3\u05e8 \u05d5\u05d3\u05e8, \u05d9\u05d1\u05e0\u05d4, \u05ea\u05db\u05df in verses 2\u20133 correspond to \u05e2\u05d3\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd, \u05dc\u05d3\u05e8 \u05d5\u05d3\u05d5\u05e8, \u05d5\u05d1\u05e0\u05d9\u05ea\u05d9, \u05d0\u05db\u05d9\u05df in verse 5.
\nIt is as though the psalmist, at the very outset, wanted to make this piece of exegesis perfectly clear and beyond the possibility of misunderstanding. Having so done, he then proceeded to unite the hymn with the oracle on the basis of the juxtaposition of no less than twelve key words or phrases, as can be readily seen in Table I.
\nTABLE I
\nThe Hymn
\nThe Oracle
\n2, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9; 3, 15, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3
\n25, \u05d5\u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9; 29, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9; 34, \u05d5\u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9
\n2, 3, 6, \u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05da; 9 \u05d5\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea
\n25, \u05d5\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05d9; 34, \u05d1\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05d9
\n2, 3, \u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd
\n5, \u05e2\u05d3\u05be\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd; 29, 37, \u05dc\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd; 38, \u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd
\n3, 6, \u05e9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd
\n30, \u05e9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd
\n3, \u05ea\u05db\u05df
\n5, \u05d0\u05db\u05d9\u05df; 22, \u05ea\u05db\u05d5\u05df: 38, \u05d9\u05db\u05d5\u05df
\n7, \u05d1\u05e9\u05d7\u05e7
\n38, \u05d1\u05e9\u05d7\u05e7
\n10, \u05d4\u05d9\u05dd
\n26, \u05d1\u05d9\u05dd
\n11, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da
\n23, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1
\n13, \u05d1\u05e9\u05de\u05da
\n25, \u05d5\u05d1\u05e9\u05de\u05d9
\n14, \u05d6\u05e8\u05d5\u05e2
\n22, \u05d6\u05e8\u05d5\u05e2\u05d9
\n14, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05e0\u05da; 18, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05e7\u05e8\u05e0\u05e0\u05d5
\n25, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05e7\u05e8\u05e0\u05d5
\n15, \u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05da
\n5, \u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05da; 30, 37, \u05d5\u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05d5
\nThe transition between the hymn and the oracle is deftly made through the national motif of verses 16\u201319 being subtly superimposed upon the cosmic, while the emphasis upon the moral basis of God\u2019s rule (verse 15) serves, in turn, to accentuate the sacrosanct, inviolable nature of the Divine Promise of the Davidic rule. Finally, \u05de\u05dc\u05db\u05e0\u05d5 as the concluding word of the hymn carries over the idea of kingship which is central to the oracle.
\nThe consummate skill with which the psalmist handled the several elements so that they became mutually interdependent will be specially appreciated from an examination of the lament. The twin themes of the hymn and the oracle, the morality of God\u2019s rule and the imprescriptible nature of His pledge, obviously encourage the psalmist to give utterance to his bitter complaint contrasting the stark reality of history with the promised ideal. But as a literary device, and to point up this contrast all the more effectively, he has made use in the lament of the key words of both the hymn and the oracle (see Table II).
\nTable II
\nThe Hymn and Oracle (verses 2\u201338)<\/p>\n
The Lament (verses 39ff.)
\n21, \u05de\u05e9\u05d7\u05ea\u05d9\u05d5<\/p>\n
39, 52, \u05de\u05e9\u05d9\u05d7\u05da
\n4, \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea; 29, \u05d5\u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea\u05d9<\/p>\n
40 \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea
\n35, \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea\u05d9<\/p>\n
4, 21, \u05e2\u05d1\u05d3\u05d9<\/p>\n
40, \u05e2\u05d1\u05d3\u05da; 51, \u05e2\u05d1\u05d3\u05d9\u05da
\n14, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05e0\u05da<\/p>\n
43, \u05d4\u05e8\u05d9\u05de\u05d5\u05ea \u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05df
\n18, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05e7\u05e8\u05e0\u05e0\u05d5;<\/p>\n
25, \u05ea\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05e7\u05e8\u05e0\u05d5<\/p>\n
24, \u05e6\u05e8\u05d9\u05d5<\/p>\n
43, \u05e6\u05e8\u05d9\u05d5
\n11, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da; 23, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1<\/p>\n
43, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05d5; 52, \u05d0\u05d5\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da
\n5, 15, \u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05da<\/p>\n
45, \u05d5\u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05d5
\n30, 37, \u05d5\u05db\u05e1\u05d0\u05d5<\/p>\n
2, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9 \u05d4\u05f3\u05be\u05be\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05da<\/p>\n
50, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9\u05da\u05be\u05be\u05d1\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05da
\n3, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05be\u05be\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05da<\/p>\n
25, \u05d5\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05d9 \u05d5\u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9<\/p>\n
34, \u05d5\u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9\u05be\u05be\u05d1\u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05ea\u05d9<\/p>\n
[15, Cf. \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3 \u05d0\u05de\u05ea 29, \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d9 \u2026 \u05e0\u05d0\u05de\u05e0\u05ea]<\/p>\n
4, 36, \u05e0\u05e9\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea\u05d9<\/p>\n
50, \u05e0\u05e9\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea
\nThis repeated use of a large number of key words and phrases and the smooth transitions from one section to another constitute the techniques by which the psalmist harmoniously integrated the varied elements into a perfectly homogeneous poetic unit. The cohesive effect is heightened by fact that the pivotal words \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3 and \u05d0\u05de\u05d5\u05e0\u05d4 appear, each one, seven times. It is, moreover, probably no accident that \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea is used four times and its synonym \u05e9\u05d1\u05d5\u05e2\u05d4 three times, thus making a sevenfold mention of the covenant oath as well.
\nAll this unmistakably bears the stamp of a single creative editor-psalmist. He it is who must have composed the lament (verses 39ff.) and who has been responsible for having welded together the diverse parts that make up Psalm 89. It follows, then, that neither the hymn nor the oracular element can be dated later than the time of the composition of the lament. This problem and its implications will be dealt with hereafter. But its solution will not be possible unless the true nature of the oracular element is properly understood.
\nIV. THE ANTIQUITY OF EXEGESIS
\nWe have already noted above that verses 4\u20135, originally belonging to the oracle, were inserted in the hymn as a kind of exegetical note. Indeed, we shall have occasion to show that the entire oracle is a reinterpretation of Nathan\u2019s original prophecy to David. Before proceeding directly to do so, however, it will not be out of place to say a few introductory words on the history of the exegetical system involved.
\nThe phenomenon of exegesis and exposition of a text evolves from a peculiar attitude to the written or oral word. It involves the idea of authority and immutability and, ultimately, of sanctity. This notion is found for the first time in Biblical literature in Deuteronomy 4:2:
\n\u05dc\u05d0 \u05ea\u05e1\u05e4\u05d5 \u05e2\u05dc\u05be\u05d4\u05d3\u05d1\u05e8 \u05d0\u05e9\u05e8 \u05d0\u05e0\u05db\u05d9 \u05de\u05e6\u05d5\u05d4 \u05d0\u05ea\u05db\u05dd \u05d5\u05dc\u05d0 \u05ea\u05d2\u05e8\u05e2\u05d5 \u05de\u05de\u05e0\u05d5.
\n\u201cYe shall not add unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye diminish from it.\u201d We meet it again at the close of the prophetic age when Zechariah quotes the \u201cearlier prophets\u201d (\u05d4\u05e0\u05d1\u05d9\u05d0\u05d9\u05dd \u05d4\u05e8\u05d0\u05e9\u05d5\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd) as authoritative (Zechariah 1:4, 7:7). But it is now clear that this Biblical concept has its roots in the more ancient Near East and was widespread, in fact, throughout the ancient world.
\nIt is already implicit in the epilogue to the early-nineteenth-century b.c.e. laws of Lipit-Ishtar, in which the monarch curses him \u201cwho will damage my handiwork \u2026 who will erase its inscription, who will write his own [name] upon it.\u201d A century and a half later, Hammurapi exhorts his successors not to alter his laws and invokes elaborate imprecations upon him who has not treated them as immutable, but who \u201chas abolished the law which I enacted, has distorted my words, has altered my statutes, effaced my name inscribed [thereon] and has then inscribed his [own] name [in its place].\u201d
\nParadoxically, this very idea of authority and immutability itself engenders change. The past is drawn upon to give sanction to the present, and the ancient words, precisely because they are invested with authority, are reinterpreted to make them applicable to the contemporary scene.
\nThis is particularly true of religious literature. An excellent example is the great Babylonian creation epic, the Enuma elish, which was solemnly recited by the high priest on the fourth day of the New Year\u2019s festival. It is well known that this epic, dated to the time of Hammurapi, was motivated by theological and political considerations. It justified Marduk\u2019s ascendancy to a supreme position in the Babylonian pantheon and at the same time it supported Babylon\u2019s claim to political pre-eminence. Now, it is of interest to note that in the Assyrian version of this epic, the name of the hero is Ashur, and his great temple is not the Esagila of Babylon but the metropolis bearing Ashur\u2019s name. A striking analogy to this situation may be found in the political and theological motivations that induced the Samaritans to change the authoritative text of the Pentateuch to justify the pre-eminence of Mount Gerizim.
\nThis tendency, outside of Israel, to regard a text as authoritative and then to reinterpret it, is not restricted to Babylonian times. Thus, as Edward Meyer has pointed out, from the third century b.c.e., demotic papyri are extant which constitute midrashim on obscure prophecies about Egypt\u2019s fate. Similarly, the four-monarchy theory of Daniel is but a development of an originally Achaemenian Persian doctrine, itself subjected to varying exegesis in the ancient world. The history of the sibylline oracles in general and of the Jewish use of them in particular is a case in point in the Hellenistic world. At the same time, Virgil\u2019s Fourth Eclogue, written about the year 40 b.c.e., is a midrash on the oracles of the Sibyl of Cumae; and the early Church, in turn, reinterpreted the Fourth Eclogue as a prophetic allusion to the birth of Jesus. Philo\u2019s special brand of exegesis is well known, and the Dead Sea Scrolls furnish numerous examples of the use of the midrash method in adapting Scripture to their own purposes. The authors of the New Testament freely reinterpreted the Jewish Bible, albeit in its Greek form, as a prophecy of Christian truths, a tradition earnestly pursued by the early Church Fathers. In the light of all this, it is abundantly clear that the highly developed midrash system of the Rabbis was not a late innovation, but had a very long and varied history behind it.
\nWilhelm Bacher has described Biblical exegesis as \u201cthe one indigenous science created and developed by Israel.\u201d On the basis of the well-known passage in Ezra 7:10: \u201c\u05db\u05d9 \u05e2\u05d6\u05e8\u05d0 \u05d4\u05db\u05d9\u05df \u05dc\u05d1\u05d1\u05d5 \u05dc\u05d3\u05e8\u05e9 \u05d0\u05ea \u05ea\u05d5\u05e8\u05ea \u05d4\u201d he attributed its foundation to Ezra the Scribe. In so far as the emphasis is upon the word \u201cscience,\u201d Bacher is no doubt correct. Yet Rabbinic tradition regarded the oral law as being conterminous with the written law. It thus actually looks for the origins of Biblical exegesis within the period of the formation of the Scriptures themselves. This Rabbinic tradition, in a generalized sense, must be upheld; for it cannot be denied that the literature of the Bible was subjected to exegesis even in pre-Exilic times. The ancient Near-Eastern tradition would support such a view a priori, and the Biblical evidence itself is conclusive. A few of the more outstanding examples will suffice.
\nIt is universally recognized that Daniel 9:2, 24\u201327, is a midrash reinterpreting Jeremiah\u2019s seventy years of exile (Jeremiah 25:11\u201312, 29:10; compare Zechariah 1:12; 7:5). H. L. Ginsberg has recently drawn attention to the fact that Daniel chapters 10\u201312 also constitute a complete midrash, mainly on the Book of Isaiah. Few dispute the fact that the Book of Chronicles is in large measure a midrashic reinterpretation of earlier works with a view to a paradigmatic reconstruction of the history of Israel. These examples belong to the Exilic period. It is now possible, however, to trace back Biblical exegesis to a still earlier period, for Kaufmann has clearly demonstrated the existence in Israel of an ancient body of prophetic oracles upon which the literary prophets freely drew and which they adapted to their needs.
\nV. EXEGESIS IN PSALM 89
\nNow a recognition of this early phenomenon of inner Biblical exegesis holds the key to the solution of one of the problems of our psalm. Much attention has been paid to the relationship between Psalm 89:20\u201338 and the recensions of Nathan\u2019s oracle to David found in 2 Samuel 7:4\u201317 and 1 Chronicles 17:3\u201315. Scholarly speculation has, in fact, encompassed the entire range of possibilities. One view regards the prose version as original and our psalm as a free poetic paraphrase of it. Another insists that precisely the poetic form must be the oldest version of the oracle on which the prose recensions are dependent. Yet a third school of thought suggests that there need be no question of literary interdependence since the authors of Samuel, Chronicles, and our psalm could well have had equal and independent access to a common source, long since lost, that contained the text of the original oracle.
\nTo the present writer, a close comparison between our psalm and the texts of the oracle in Samuel and Chronicles shows that we are not dealing here with any problem of literary dependence or text transmission. The several variations from the prose versions are highly significant and can easily be otherwise explained. As a matter of fact, they add up to a pattern of deliberate and original exegesis on the part of the psalmist, who has adapted an ancient oracle to a new situation. The evidence is as follows:
\n(i) In both versions of the oracle, the occasion of the original utterance is David\u2019s Temple project. The same is true of the quotations of Nathan\u2019s prophecy in 1 Chronicles 22:6ff., especially verse 10, 1 Chronicles 28:1ff., especially verses 6\u20137, 2 Chronicles 6:5\u20139, and Psalm 132:11ff. Solomon, too, quotes from the oracle in his Temple dedicatory speech (1 Kings 8:25). This consistency must reflect an authentic situation. But what do we find in our psalm? Here, alone, the Temple project element is entirely lacking. The verses 2 Samuel 7:10\u201313 (1 Chronicles 17:9\u201312) find no echo whatsoever in Psalm 89. This exclusion cannot be accidental. It accords completely with the omission of any mention of the Temple in the lament, an omission which we shall have occasion to discuss again in a different connection.
\n(ii) The verse 2 Samuel 7:10 (to which compare 1 Chronicles 17:9) contains a promise to the people of Israel of respite from their national enemies. This is in agreement with the state of affairs toward the close of David\u2019s long reign, but it is clearly at variance with the subsequent history of Judah. A comparison with Psalm 89:23\u201324 shows that the psalmist has, therefore, cleverly and pointedly changed the wording so as to restrict its import to David personally.
\n(iii) This change is all the more forcefully emphasized by an expansion in the psalm, not to be found in either version. Verse 26 reads:
\n\u05d5\u05e9\u05de\u05ea\u05d9 \u05d1\u05d9\u05dd \u05d9\u05d3\u05d5 \u05d5\u05d1\u05e0\u05d4\u05e8\u05d5\u05ea \u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05e0\u05d5.
\nThis is an undoubted reference to the Davidic empire, and it serves a further purpose as well. It is related to the occasion of the lament. The psalmist wishes to point up the contrast between the Davidic victories and the military humiliation of his own day.
\n(iv) This same tendency to oppose reality to the oracular promise is to be observed in yet another expansion original to our psalm. In 2 Samuel 7:14 (1 Chronicles 17:13) we find:
\n\u05d0\u05e0\u05d9 \u05d0\u05d4\u05d9\u05d4\u05be\u05dc\u05d5 \u05dc\u05d0\u05d1 \u05d5\u05d4\u05d5\u05d0 \u05d9\u05d4\u05d9\u05d4\u05be\u05dc\u05d9 \u05dc\u05d1\u05df.
\nThis cultic formula is also repeated, almost word for word, in the quotations in 1 Chronicles 22:10, 28:6. But Psalm 89:27\u201328 has:
\n\u05d4\u05d5\u05d0 \u05d9\u05e7\u05e8\u05d0\u05e0\u05d9 \u05d0\u05d1\u05d9 \u05d0\u05ea\u05d4 \u05d0\u05dc\u05d9 \u05d5\u05e6\u05d5\u05e8 \u05d9\u05e9\u05d5\u05e2\u05ea\u05d9\u05c3 \u05d0\u05e3\u05be\u05d0\u05e0\u05d9 \u05d1\u05db\u05d5\u05e8 \u05d0\u05ea\u05e0\u05d4\u05d5 \u05e2\u05dc\u05d9\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05de\u05dc\u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05d0\u05e8\u05e5.
\nThis is an interpretation of the oracle stressing the implications of God\u2019s function as the father and emphasizing the benefits which the \u05d1\u05db\u05d5\u05e8 (not! \u05d1\u05df) relationship is supposed to bestow.
\n(v) Furthermore, it cannot fail to be noticed that, whereas in all the quotations cited above the father-son relationship refers to God\u2019s obligations to the immediate offspring of David, our psalm has applied the sonship to David himself.
\n(vi) In the same vein, the psalmist has transferred the threatened punishment for sin from the son of David (2 Samuel 7:14) to the Davidic dynasty as a whole (Psalm 89:31). David has become the dynastic symbol.
\n(vii) Finally, our psalmist has reinterpreted Nathan\u2019s oracle in terms of a covenant between God and David, sealed by a solemn oath (\u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea, \u05e9\u05d1\u05d5\u05e2\u05d4 verses 4, 35\u201336, 40, 50). However, in neither prose recension of the prophecy is \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea or \u05e9\u05d1\u05d5\u05e2\u05d4 mentioned. David, too, in his response to the oracle (2 Samuel 7:18ff.; 1 Chronicles 17:16ff.) makes no mention of either term. The psalmist here has, for his own purposes, made use of a very early exegetical tradition in departing from the original language of the oracle. This is clear from the \u201clast words of David,\u201d in which the old monarch says that God gave him an \u201ceternal covenant\u201d (\u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea \u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd, 2 Samuel 23:5). According to the chronicler (2 Chronicles 13:5), King Abijah recalls to Jeroboam and to all Israel as something well known that God gave the kingdom to David \u201cforever\u201d (\u05dc\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd) with a \u201ccovenant of salt\u201d (\u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea \u05de\u05dc\u05d7). The quotation in Psalm 132:11 also refers to the oracle in legal terms of \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea and \u05e9\u05d1\u05d5\u05e2\u05d4, and Jeremiah (Jeremiah 33:17, 21) and Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 55:3) both have the same understanding of it.
\nThe explanation for all this lies in the fact that the author of the lament needed to adapt Nathan\u2019s oracle to his own immediate purposes. He had not the slightest interest in the original occasion of the oracle, the Temple project, and, as a matter of fact, as we shall see later, the omission of any mention of the Temple was necessary for the subject of the lament. Likewise, the problem of David\u2019s successor was quite irrelevant to his theme. His sole concern was with the Divine Pledge of perpetuity to the Davidic dynasty as such and with the glaring contrast between the promised ideal and the present reality. It is this exclusive interest that explains the expansions, selectivity, departures from, and changes of emphasis in the psalmist\u2019s citations from the text of the oracle. Psalm 89, verses 4\u20135, 20\u201338, accordingly, do not represent a different, independent recension of Nathan\u2019s oracle to David, and there is no question of deciding upon the relationship of the prose to a supposed poetic version. These verses constitute, rather, an exegetical adaptation of the oracle by the psalmist to fit a specific historic situation.
\nVI. THE DATE OF NATHAN\u2019S ORACLE
\nThis conclusion as to the nature of verses 4\u20135, 20\u201338, presupposes the anteriority of Nathan\u2019s oracle to the psalm. The evidence for this assumption, however, requires elucidation in view of the astonishing divergence of scholarly opinion that has been expressed.
\nFrom some comes a rather vague admission that the prophecy contains an ancient nucleus. Others are certain that it is Davidic or, at latest, Solomonic. It has been dated pre-Deuteronomic as well as post-Deuteronomic, and more precisely, Josianic, Exilic, post-Exilic, and even as late as the fourth century b.c.e.
\nNotwithstanding the complete lack of consensus, it would appear to the present writer that the facts are overwhelmingly in favor of a Davidic date.
\n(i) The entire oracle is devoted to the idea of the perpetuity of the Davidic line. Now such an oracle would certainly be nonsensical in post-Exilic times unless it be Messianic or eschatological. It is true that it has been widely so interpreted in medieval and modern times, but such an understanding is possible only if the numerous other factors, hereafter described, are ignored. Furthermore, the fact that Solomon applied the oracle to himself (1 Kings 8:20; 2 Chronicles 6:10) proves that to the Biblical writers, at least, the prophecy was well rooted in history.
\n(ii) The oracle makes very clear the possibility of sin on the part of David\u2019s offspring and its inevitable punishment (2 Samuel 7:14). Yet the reference is entirely individual. In not one of the different recensions or quotations of the oracle is there any mention of national sin or national punishment. Subsequent to the work of the eight-century prophets this omission would be very strange.
\n(iii) Still more strange is the lack of even a hint of the division of the kingdom, despite the fact that this could most conveniently be interpreted as the promised punishment. The prophecy must therefore derive, at the latest, from before the time of Solomon\u2019s death.
\n(iv) Several times the oracle is cited in support of the legitimacy of the Solomonic succession. Solomon himself invokes it in his Temple dedicatory speech and applies it specifically to himself (1 Kings 8:20; 2 Chronicles 6:10). Yet his quotation agrees with all the versions of the prophecy in maintaining the anonymity of David\u2019s successor. This is explicable only on the assumption that the text of the oracle was fixed before the Solomonic succession.
\n(v) This conclusion is strengthened by yet another consideration. The chronicler finds himself in desperate need of legitimating the Solomonic succession. To this end he omits from his narrative several inconvenient episodes leading up to it. The murder of David\u2019s first-born son, Amnon, by Absalom (2 Samuel 13), the murder of Absalom by Joab after the former\u2019s abortive revolt (2 Samuel 15\u201318), Adonijah\u2019s bid for the crown with considerable and important court support (1 Kings 1:5\u201310), the swift and successful pro-Solomonic reaction headed by Nathan and Bath-Sheba in which the decisive event is Nathan\u2019s invocation of a promise by David to Bath-Sheba (1 Kings 1:11\u201353), the subsequent murder of Adonijah (1 Kings 2:25)\u2014on all these decisive incidents which regulated Solomon\u2019s accession to the throne, the chronicler is significantly silent, for they interfere with his notion of Solomon\u2019s natural and divine right of succession. Now in view of this situation, it is passing strange that neither in 1 Chronicles 17 nor in the abbreviated quotation in 2 Chronicles 6:5\u20139 is the text of Nathan\u2019s oracle tampered with in order to identify the unnamed successor of David. This, once again, can be explained only on the supposition that the text of Nathan\u2019s oracle as it appears in 1 Chronicles 17 and 2 Samuel 7 from the mouth of Nathan was substantially fixed before Solomon\u2019s accession to the throne.
\n(vi) The chronicler\u2019s historiosophical purposes led him on other occasions to adapt the text of the prophecy to his needs. David is made to recite it to Solomon as though Nathan had actually named Solomon in it (1 Chronicles 22:7\u201310). This is in glaring contrast to 2 Samuel 12:25, in which Nathan names Solomon \u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05d4 but makes no mention of his own oracle in reference to the newly-born son. Likewise, in David\u2019s address to the princes, he is made paraphrastically to quote Nathan\u2019s oracle as though Solomon had actually been named in it (1 Chronicles 28:1\u20137). Yet, in the original citation in 2 Samuel 7, and 1 Chronicles 17 (compare also 2 Chronicles 6:5\u20139), Solomon\u2019s name is not to be found. The absence of identification of David\u2019s successor must be due to the fact that the oracle indeed preceded the designation of Solomon as David\u2019s successor and that 2 Samuel 7 and 1 Chronicles 17 were not reworked in the light of subsequent events.
\n(vii) Biblical literature is emphatic that David was called to the throne by divine designation (compare 1 Samuel 25:30, 2 Samuel 5:2). The oracle, too, stresses this point (2 Samuel 7:8, 1 Chronicles 17:7; compare Psalm 89:20\u201321). But, significantly, there is no Divine Word recorded in Samuel or Kings on the election of Solomon. He attains the throne only by order of David\u2019s decision, based upon a promise he had once made to Bath-Sheba (1 Kings 1:16ff.). Moreover, Nathan, who played no minor role in the palace intrigue, strangely, does not invoke his own oracle in support of Solomon\u2019s claim to the throne. In the light of the foregoing argument, this is conceivable only if the successor to David was not designated in the original oracle. In other words, Nathan\u2019s prophecy must antedate both David\u2019s death and the designation of Solomon as his successor.
\n(viii) We have previously taken note of a consistent tradition linking Nathan\u2019s oracle to David\u2019s Temple project. The validity of this tradition is enhanced by the fact that it harmonizes perfectly with yet another, equally consistent, Biblical tradition. Deuteronomy 12:9ff. makes the selection of a centralized place of worship dependent upon the attainment of peace and national security. The formula is significant:
\n\u05d5\u05d4\u05e0\u05d9\u05d7 \u05dc\u05db\u05dd \u05de\u05db\u05dc\u05be\u05d0\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05db\u05dd \u05de\u05e1\u05d1\u05d9\u05d1 \u05d5\u05d9\u05e9\u05d1\u05ea\u05dd\u05be\u05d1\u05d8\u05d7.
\nSolomon uses it in enlisting the aid of Hiram, King of Tyre, to build his Temple (1 Kings 5:18\u201319) and it is repeated several times in the same connection (1 Kings 8:56; 1 Chronicles 22:7\u20139, 28:3). This, as Wellhausen has pointed out, is due to the fact that Israelite historiosophy envisaged this stage as being first fully realized in the times of David and Solomon. Accordingly, David\u2019s Temple project would be just the appropriate time for a prophecy such as that of Nathan. National security and peace having advanced to a point that allowed for the building of the Temple, an opportune occasion presented itself for a prophecy promising eternal stability to the Davidic dynasty.
\n(ix) Finally, the fact that the exclusive right of the Davidic line to kingship was never challenged in Judah proves conclusively that in the popular conception the legitimacy of the dynasty must have been based upon a Divine sanction of commitment to the descendants of David.
\nTo sum up, the converging lines of evidence are overwhelmingly conclusive in proving that the Biblical tradition about the original prophecy of Nathan to David is an authentic document, contemporaneous with the events it describes. There is, accordingly, no chronological objection to our interpretation of the second element of Psalm 89 as being an exegetical adaptation of that prophecy.
\nVII. THE DATE AND BACKGROUND OF THE PSALM
\nIt now remains to determine, if possible, the particular historical circumstances that stirred the author of the lament to put together the psalm in substantially its present form. We may, at the outset, emphatically and completely rule out the possibility that the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple and the subsequent Exile evoked the bitter complaints to be found in verses 39ff. For one thing, the total absence of any mention of or reference to any of these cataclysmic events would be utterly inexplicable. For another, there is not the slightest suggestion of even a threat to Jerusalem or of a foreign yoke, no notion of a national sin, no hint of the dissolution of the monarchy, no prayer or hope for national and monarchical restoration. Anyone who compares this psalm with Psalms 79 or 137 will note immediately the striking contrast in historical background and treatment. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the lament must reflect some situation prior to the Babylonian invasion.
\nNow any attempt further to narrow down the historical circumstances that inspired the psalmist must take account of his exegetical treatment of Nathan\u2019s oracle, which, as we have shown, was adapted to the immediate purposes of the lament. It must explain why the Divine Promise of eternity for the Davidic line is there the exclusive theme and why David\u2019s Temple project, which evoked the oracle, is ignored. It has to make clear why, in turn, the lament refers only to some danger to the ruling dynasty, but passes over in silence Jerusalem, the Temple, and the people at large. We have to know why the sin mentioned in the original oracle only in reference to David\u2019s immediate successor is reinterpreted to apply to the royal descendants of David in general. Finally, we must understand the meaning of the repeated emphasis upon \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3, and the appeal to the inviolable nature of the \u05d1\u05e8\u05d9\u05ea.
\nBearing in mind all the foregoing, it is possible to reconstruct the nature of the events which produced the lament. This latter must reflect an invasion of Judea, but it must have been one that did not have as its primary goal the conquest of Jerusalem or the Temple. The real target was the reigning monarch, whom the invaders wished to depose and replace by an outsider, not of Davidic descent. In other words, the invasion constituted a mortal threat, not to the integrity of the kingdom, but to the Davidic dynasty. This alone explains the reiterated invocation of God\u2019s eternal covenant with the House of David.
\nAt the same time, the psalmist did not have too high an opinion of the ruling king; in fact, he clearly regarded him as a sinful man who had forsaken God\u2019s law and had not walked in His judgments; who had violated the Divine Statutes and had not heeded God\u2019s precepts (verse 31f.). Very significantly, the psalmist does not mention the injustice of the situation he is lamenting. The monarch, through his personal unworthiness, would really have had no legal case were it not for the appeal to God\u2019s \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3, to the Divine \u201ccovenant-love,\u201d which promised the unbroken continuity of the Davidic line (verses 29, 34\u201337, 50).
\nFrom the language of the lament, it is possible to glean yet one more vital and illuminating detail. The invasion of Judea had inflicted a humiliating defeat upon the king (verses 40\u201345). True, he had emerged from it alive, but he was a young man and had now become prematurely aged (verse 46).
\nSuch an understanding of the historic situation alone makes the singularities of Psalm 89 intelligible. It also enables us to pinpoint the particular event. The only known threat to the Davidic dynasty in Judea is that recorded in Isaiah 7:5\u20136 when, in the year 735\u201334 b.c.e., an anti-Assyrian coalition led by Rezin of Damascus and Peka\u1e25 of Israel launched an invasion of Judea with the expressed purpose of deposing King Ahaz and of replacing him by an Aramean puppet, one ben Tab\u2019el. Ahaz was only twenty years old at the time (2 Kings 16:2; 2 Chronicles 28:1), having just ascended the throne. That he suffered defeat and humiliation is related by the chronicler (2 Chronicles 28), and this dovetails very well into the circumstances presupposed by the lament. This invasion did not really bring with it a danger of destruction to Jerusalem or the Temple, only a threat to King Ahaz, scion of the House of David. His experience must indeed have shortened his days, for he died at the early age of thirty-six (2 Kings 16:2; 2 Chronicles 28:1). That Ahaz was a sinful man, thoroughly deserving of God\u2019s chastisement, is clear from the Biblical evaluation of him (2 Kings 16:2ff.; 2 Chronicles 28:1ff.; Isaiah 7:13ff.). The profound impact of the invasion and the consternation, bordering on panic, that ensued in Jerusalem can easily be imagined from the vivid account in Isaiah 7:1ff. and the more prosaic, detailed narratives in 2 Kings 15:37\u201316:5 and 2 Chronicles 28:5ff. A psalm such as ours would certainly have been written immediately after the humiliation of the king, when the final outcome of the Aramean-Israelite venture was still uncertain. In all probability the psalmist was a court poet, but totally out of sympathy with the pro-Assyrian policy of Ahaz and opposed to his religious perversions.
\nVIII. SUMMARY
\nPsalm 89, in its present form, is a unity of originally diverse elements. This unity has been skillfully constructed through the reiterated use of key words and phrases, combined with a subtle interweaving of motifs and themes. The second of the three natural divisions of the psalm constitutes an exegetical adaptation, not another recension, of Nathan\u2019s oracle about the House of David, and this oracle is certainly Davidic. The writer of the lament is the real author of our present psalm, which was inspired by the Aramean-Israelite invasion of Judea in 735\u201334 b.c.e., when an attempt was made to depose Ahaz and to replace him by a non-Davidic king.
\nPOSTSCRIPT
\nMy attention has been drawn to two relevant articles which have appeared too late to be referred to in the foregoing study.
\nJ. M. Ward in VT II:321\u2013339 (1961) has independently reinforced my own conclusions as to the integrity and unity of the psalm. He has not, however, sufficiently considered the possibility of a specific historic situation as the occasion of the psalm.
\nGerald Cooke, ZAW 73:202\u2013225 (1961) agrees that at least part of Nathan\u2019s prophecy stems \u201cfrom near the time of David himself.\u201d He further states that there is no need to \u201cassert the dependence of the midrashic author of 2 Sam. 7 upon Ps. 89.\u201d However, Cooke has failed to realize that the Psalm 89 version is itself a midrash on the original oracle of Nathan.
\nThe Psalm for the Sabbath Day (PS 92)
\nI. THE LEVITICAL PSALMS
\nAs is well known, the Levitical choir in the second temple chanted each day of the week a chapter of the Psalter to accompany the libation of wine that followed the tamid offering. According to rabbinic report, the seven selections were the Hebrew Psalms 24, 48, 82, 94, 81, 93, and 92. The Greek Psalter, too, reflects this liturgical tradition in the additional superscriptions it had affixed to five of these seven.
\nIt is no longer possible to determine with certainty the origin of this temple custom. Graetz assigned it to the declining years of the Second Commonwealth. He maintained that the content and message of the seven selected psalms were felt to be peculiarly appropriate to the depressing events of those times. Maarsen, apparently quite independently of Graetz, similarly connected them with the deteriorating conditions of that period.
\nHowever, in the total absence of any source material on which to base this theory, it must be admitted that Cheyne\u2019s criticism of Graetz is very convincing. He pointed out that the last years of Persian rule also constituted a gloomy chapter in Jewish history and could, as well, have supplied the motive for initiating the daily psalm readings. However, and this is even more decisive, the explanation of Graetz would make the completion of the Greek translation far too late. If, as is generally accepted, the Greek Psalter achieved its final form some time in the second century b.c.e., then the choice of the Levitical psalms must have been made at a still earlier period.
\nLiebreich has pointed out that the seven psalms share a common association of ideas, words, and phrases. According to him, it is this phenomenon that accounts for the particular choice and the order of recitation in the temple service. In fact, says Liebreich, it is only in this way that it is possible to explain Ps. 92 as the last of the series, for it serves as a sort of ideological climax to the preceding six with which it has some undoubted affinities. The order of the Levitical psalms thus follows a determined pattern.
\nThis thesis has the merit of relieving the choice of psalms from dependency upon any specific set of historical circumstances. But it implies either that all seven were simultaneously chosen for their liturgical purpose or, if not, that Ps. 92 was certainly the last of the selections. The fact of the matter is, however, that our received Hebrew text has a liturgical rubric for Ps. 92 and for that alone. The possibility arises, therefore, that at the time of the final redaction of the Book of Psalms only Ps. 92 was sung in the temple in connection with the tamid offering on the Sabbath, the recitation of the other six not yet having been instituted. To be sure, Graetz believed that these latter, too, once had their liturgical superscriptions in the Hebrew text; but attempts to explain the omission, either on deliberate or accidental grounds, have not proved convincing. Furthermore, if all the seven psalms were selected at one and the same time, and if that selection antedated the final redaction of the Psalter, it would indeed be strange that the order of the latter was not made to conform to the temple liturgical practice, at least in respect of the three psalms belonging to the fourth book. Consequently, the likelihood is that the Levitical psalms became part of the tamid service after the Book of Psalms had achieved its present form. In that case, the lone rubric for Ps. 92 is highly significant. It must be indicative of deliberate selection for the Sabbath day, prior to, and independent of, the other six.
\nII. THE SABBATH AND THE CULT
\nNow it would be most surprising if the earliest liturgy did not, in fact, comprise psalms written for, or selected for the Sabbath. For in biblical literature it is the day of God, par excellence. It was common to both the northern and southern kingdoms and undoubtedly belongs to the most ancient institutions of Israel. Of all the sacred days in the Hebrew calendar, it alone is ascribed to pre-Israelite times. Its great antiquity is attested to by its frequent association with the new moon festival which, likewise, does not have its origin in the history of Israel. The great prominence which it achieved in the religious life of the people is illustrated by the fact that it is the only festival included in the Decalogue. We encounter it immediately after the exodus and again during the desert sojournings. It repeatedly heads the lists of sacred seasons, and its injunctions are to be found no less than ten times in the Pentateuch. For the individual, the Sabbath observance meant special and unique restrictions and its profanation carried with it the penalty of death or excision. For the community as a whole it was a joyous day of solemn assembly, highlighted by sacrificial exercises, and, apparently, by the changing of the temple royal guards. Above all, in biblical theology, the Sabbath, \u201choly unto God,\u201d is the symbol of the covenant between God and Israel; thus its neglect could be looked upon as one of the causes of the national disasters. In view of this preeminence of the Sabbath in the religious and cultic life of Israel, as well as in the prophetic consciousness, it cannot be doubted that the choice of a psalm (or psalms) to accompany the Sabbath sacrifice must have preceded the selections for the weekday offerings. If then, the psalm for the Sabbath day, of all the seven Levitical psalms, is the only one with a superscription in the Hebrew Bible, it is precisely because it was chronologically the first of the series, the other six having been instituted at a later time and as a daily extension of the Sabbath practice.
\nIII. THE LITURGICAL CHARACTER OF PS. 92
\nGunkel and Mowinckel classified Ps. 92 among the individual thanksgiving hymns. Briggs, on the other hand, observed that it was \u201ceminently suited for worship whether in the temple or synagogue.\u201d Snaith goes so far as to state that the psalm \u201cwas definitely written for the service of the Temple.\u201d There is much evidence to support this view. The mention of morning and evenings (vs. 3) suggests a connection with the daily sacrificial worship. The opening exhortation strengthens the impression. The phrase \u05d8\u05d5\u05d1 \u05dc\u05d4\u05d5\u05d3\u05d5\u05ea \u05dc\u05d3\u05f3 (vs. 2), with the mention of \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05da (vs. 3), is strongly reminiscent of the recurrent liturgical formula \u05d4\u05d5\u05d3\u05d5 \u05dc\u05d3\u05f3 \u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05d8\u05d5\u05d1 \u05db\u05d9 \u05dc\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d5. We are reminded of it in connection with the todah offering (Ps. 100:4\u20135): \u05d4\u05d5\u05d3\u05d5 \u05dc\u05d5 \u05d1\u05e8\u05db\u05d5 \u05e9\u05de\u05d5. It finds an echo in Jeremiahs vision of the temple rebuilt (Jer. 33:10\u201311): \u05e2\u05d5\u05d3 \u05d9\u05e9\u05de\u05e2 \u05d1\u05de\u05e7\u05d5\u05dd\u05be\u05d4\u05d6\u05d4, \u2026 \u05e7\u05d5\u05dc \u05d0\u05de\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd \u05d4\u05d5\u05d3\u05d5 \u05d0\u05ea\u05be\u05d3\u05f3 \u05e6\u05d1\u05d0\u05d5\u05ea \u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05d8\u05d5\u05d1 \u05d3\u05f3 \u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05dc\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd \u05d7\u05e1\u05d3\u05d5 \u05de\u05d1\u05d0\u05d9\u05dd \u05ea\u05d5\u05d3\u05d4 \u05d1\u05d9\u05ea \u05d3\u05f3 and again in the Psalter in connection with sacrifice (Ps. 54:8): \u05d1\u05e0\u05d3\u05d1\u05d4 \u05d0\u05d6\u05d1\u05d7\u05d4\u05be\u05dc\u05da \u05d0\u05d5\u05d3\u05d4 \u05e9\u05de\u05da \u05d3\u05f3 \u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05d8\u05d5\u05d1. The Chronicler thus finds it necessary to have the Levitical choir sing it to the accompaniment of instrumental music at Solomon\u2019s dedication of the temple. It was also, apparently part of the congregational service recited on the eve of battle. It may be safely assumed then that vss. 2\u20133 are an invocation to worship in connection with sacrifice. If, in addition, we note the musical instructions in vs. 4, and if we compare them with those cited in other psalms undoubtedly produced in the temple service, then our psalm becomes indisputably stamped as congregational and cultic.
\nIV. THE CHOICE OF THE PSALM
\nThe foregoing conclusion naturally leads to consideration of the reason for choosing Ps. 92 as the temple Sabbath hymn. Scholarly opinion is well-nigh unanimous that the rubric merely designates the occasion on which, in later times, the psalm was publicly recited, and that there is absolutely no connection between the content of the psalm and the Sabbath day. But surely, whoever was responsible for introducing the hymn into the Sabbath liturgy obviously did find what was to him a satisfactory relationship. He must have discovered something in it that intimately corresponded to the dominant themes of the day for which it was selected. In the same way that Ps. 30 was found to be eminently suited for a temple dedication, and Ps. 100 appropriate to the todah offering, so the caption to Ps. 92 must be regarded as descriptive as well as liturgical. It remains, therefore, to examine the contents of our psalm in the light of the biblical Sabbath.
\nV. THE CREATION MOTIF
\nThe first great Sabbath theme in biblical literature is the mythic-cosmogonic. The Sabbath is the symbol of creation and of cessation from creation. It expresses human imitation of \u201cthe primordial gesture of the Lord\u201d when he transformed chaos into cosmos. This is three times explicitly stated in the Pentateuch and is clearly presupposed, if not specifically mentioned, in the frequent polarity of six days of work and a seventh of rest. Does this cosmic theme find expression in our psalm?
\nLet us begin with vs. 8. It has not been entirely overlooked that the syntactical construction \u05d1\u05e4\u05e8\u05d7 \u2026 \u05d5\u05d9\u05e6\u05d9\u05e6\u05d5 points to a particular event that has taken place in the past. This is the usual import of the infinitive with a preposition being followed by an imperfect consecutive. What salvation does the psalmist have in mind? The commentaries variously refer, without a shred of supporting evidence, to the great events of the exodus, the return from Babylon, or the Maccabean victories. In the opinion of this writer the reference is not historical but mythological, and it is this mythological background which provides one of the keys to the selection and suitability of Ps. 92 for the Sabbath day. Behind the literary composition lurks the popular creation myth of the Hebrew Bible. This myth controls the imagery and influences the very language and style of the psalm.
\nThe first clue is the striking parallel between vs. 10 and Ugaritic text III AB. A, 8 f. (Gordon 68:8 f.). This was pointed out long ago by Ginsberg and has been frequently cited since; but never in relation to vs. 8 or the problem of the psalm as a whole. It will be remembered that in the great struggle for dominion between Baal, god of fertility, and Yam, personification of watery chaos, the divine craftsman, K\u1e6fr-w-\u1e2ass, encourages Baal with these words: ht. ibk \/ bclm. ht. ibk. tm\u1e2b\u1e63. ht. t\u1e63mt \u1e63rtk,
\nNow thine enemy, O Baal,
\nNow thine enemy wilt thou smite,
\nNow wilt thou cut off thine adversary.
\nThe resemblance to MT Ps. 92:10 is undeniable, not only in verbal correspondence, but also syntactically:
\n,\u05db\u05d9 \u05d4\u05e0\u05d4 \u05d0\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da \u05d3\u05f3 \u05db\u05d9\u05be\u05d4\u05e0\u05d4 \u05d0\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da \u05d9\u05d0\u05d1\u05d3\u05d5 \u05d9\u05ea\u05e4\u05e8\u05d3\u05d5 \u05db\u05dc\u05be\u05e4\u05e2\u05dc \u05d9\u05d0\u05d5\u05df
\nFor, behold, thine enemies, O Lord,
\nFor, behold, thine enemies shall perish;
\nAll workers of iniquity shall be scattered.
\nThe basic question is: is this biblical parallel nothing more than mere literary convention, or is there a more direct relationship with the context of the Ugaritic passage? In other words, is vs. 10 part of a more elaborate mythological background upon which the understanding of the psalm hinges? To find an answer to this question we shall have to analyze carefully the language of the psalm in the light of other biblical passages dealing with God\u2019s victory over His enemies. We note at once that one of the most common devices is to express the evil deeds and punishment of the historical wicked in terms of the mythical conflict of God with the rebellious forces of primeval chaos. The most outstanding passages are these:
\n(i) Isa. 17:12\u201314. The plunderers and bespoilers of Israel (vs. 14) are compared to noisy seas and turbulent mighty waters. Gunkel and Cassuto both recognized that the language is saturated with that characteristic of the Hebrew combat myth: \u05e9\u05d0\u05d4, \u05d9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd, \u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05db\u05d1\u05d9\u05e8\u05d9\u05dd, \u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05e8\u05d1\u05d9\u05dd, \u05d2\u05e2\u05e8.
\n(ii) Isa. 27:1. The sinful ones of the earth (26:21) are the historical objects of divine wrath who are designated by the very names of the mythological monsters, \u05d4\u05ea\u05e0\u05d9\u05df \u05d0\u05e9\u05e8, \u05dc\u05d5\u05d9\u05ea\u05df \u05e0\u05d7\u05e9 \u05e2\u05e7\u05dc\u05ea\u05d5\u05df, \u05dc\u05d5\u05d9\u05ea\u05df \u05e0\u05d7\u05e9 \u05d1\u05e8\u05d7 \u05d1\u05d9\u05dd.
\n(iii) Isa. 51:9\u201310. The prophet invokes Gods mighty power for the redemption of Israel, demonstrated in days of old in victory over primeval monsters \u05ea\u05d4\u05d5\u05dd \u05e8\u05d1\u05d4, \u05d9\u05dd, \u05ea\u05e0\u05d9\u05df, \u05e8\u05d4\u05d1. It is apparent from the context that the oppressor of Israel is meant.
\n(iv) Hab. 3:8\u201315. God, in his fury, strides the earth thrashing the nations and smashing to pieces the head of the wicked to deliver his people. The mythological background is too well known to need stressing. The entire passage is replete with the key words of the combat myth.
\n(v) Ps. 74:13\u201315. God\u2019s decisive defeat of his mythical, primeval enemies is invoked as an assurance of a like victory over the present historical enemies of Israel, mentioned in vss. 3, 10, 18.
\n(vi) Job. 38:8\u201311. Here again, the defeat of the monster \u05d9\u05dd, cited as evidence of God\u2019s overwhelming power, is followed by mention of the impotence of the wicked (vss. 13, 15).
\nIn the light of this well-established, consistent, and widespread exegetical tradition, we are entitled to conclude that the similarity of Ps. 92:10 to the Ugaritic text cited above implies that the Hebrew verse, too, has its origin in the combat myth. To clinch the argument, we may cite the psalmist\u2019s use of \u05d9\u05ea\u05e4\u05e8\u05d3\u05d5. The scattering of the enemies is an element common to many of the biblical fragments of the myth. Practically identical with the idea expressed in our verse is Ps. 89:11: \u05d0\u05ea\u05d4 \u05d3\u05db\u05d0\u05ea \u05db\u05d7\u05dc\u05dc \u05e8\u05d4\u05d1 \u05d1\u05d6\u05e8\u05d5\u05e2 \u05e2\u05d6\u05da \u05e4\u05d6\u05e8\u05ea \u05d0\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da. The same notion is expressed in Ps. 104:7: \u05de\u05df\u05be\u05d2\u05e2\u05e8\u05ea\u05da \u05d9\u05e0\u05d5\u05e1\u05d5\u05df, which corresponds phraseologically and contextually to Isa. 17:13: \u05d5\u05d2\u05e2\u05e8 \u05d1\u05d5 \u05d5\u05e0\u05e1 \u05de\u05de\u05e8\u05d7\u05e7. It is more than likely that the cultic cry of Num. 10:35, \u05e7\u05d5\u05de\u05d4 \u05d3\u05f3 \u05d5\u05d9\u05e4\u05e6\u05d5 \u05d0\u05d9\u05d1\u05d9\u05da \u05d5\u05d9\u05e0\u05e1\u05d5 \u05de\u05e9\u05e0\u05d0\u05d9\u05da \u05de\u05e4\u05e0\u05d9\u05da, expressing the same theme, has its origin in the language of the same ancient epic of the divine combat. All this, of course, is strongly reminiscent of En\u00fbma Eli\u0161 IV: 106\u2013109, which describes how, after the slaughter of Ti\u00e2mat by Marduk, the band of rebels was routed and dispersed.
\nTo sum up thus far: the events of the past referred to in vs. 8 are those described in vs. 10. The latter is an historicized, if fragmentary, version of the popular Israelite combat epic. Despite its disintegrated form, the verse has preserved the characteristic elements and even the terminology of the original.
\nThis conclusion has now to be coordinated with another feature of the Israelite tradition. In the Ugaritic texts, no material has yet turned up showing any cosmogonic association with the struggle between Baal and Yam (or Lotan). But in the corresponding Babylonian version the combat between Marduk and Ti\u00e2mat is basic to the creation of the world. Gunkel effectively demonstrated, and the Canaanite material confirmed his conclusion, that it is the Mesopotamian story to which popular Israelite poetic tradition is closest in content if not in language. Building upon Gunkel\u2019s material, and having the Ugaritic epics to work with, Cassuto established beyond a shadow of a doubt that a popular and independent epic existed in ancient Israel in which the struggle between God and the mutinous forces of primeval chaos was inextricably interwoven with the Hebrew ideas of creation. Several biblical passages most clearly illustrate this association:
\n(i) Isa. 51:9 ff. It is to be noticed how the struggle with the forces of chaos took place in \u201cdays of old,\u201d \u05d9\u05de\u05d9 \u05e7\u05d3\u05dd. That the time of creation is meant is quite apparent from Ps. 74:12 which also uses \u05de\u05e7\u05d3\u05dd in the same context and is followed in vss. 16\u201317 by the divine ordination of day and night and the seasons of the year. Further, Prov. 8:22, in the identical mythological reference, expressly defines \u05e7\u05d3\u05dd as the onset of the cosmogonic process. Finally, Isa. 51:13, which recalls the creation of the world, precedes another allusion to the combat myth to which, in turn, is juxtaposed a second recital of cosmogony.
\n(ii) Jer. 31:35. Here again, the fixing of the heavenly luminaries is immediately associated with the \u201cstirring-up of the sea.\u201d The phrase \u05e8\u05d2\u05e2 \u05d4\u05d9\u05dd \u05d5\u05d9\u05d4\u05de\u05d5 \u05d2\u05dc\u05d9\u05d5 is part of the standard vocabulary of the combat myth, occurring in the same connection in Isa. 51:15 and Job. 26:12. Moreover, the final phrase, \u05d3\u05f3 \u05e6\u05d1\u05d0\u05d5\u05ea \u05e9\u05de\u05d5, is to be found, significantly enough, also in Isa. 51:15; Amos 4:13; and 5:8 (cf. 9:6), all of which are cosmogonic references.
\n(iii) Pss. 74:12\u201317; (iv) 89:10\u201313; (v) 93:1\u20134. In each case we have the identical pattern of God\u2019s triumphant exploits at the time of creation described in the same stereotyped language.
\n(vi) Ps. 104. The establishment of the cosmic order is described in vs. 5, followed at once by mention of the turbulent seas put to flight by God\u2019s rebuke, \u05d2\u05e2\u05e8\u05ea\u05da. With vs. 7a is to be compared especially Isa. 17:13, as well as Isa. 50:2; Nah. 1:4; Ps. 18:16; Job. 26:11, in all of which \u00e2\u00f2\u00f8 occurs as part of the standard vocabulary. Similarly, vs. 9 is to be found, with but slight variation, in Jer. 5:22 and Prov. 8:29.
\n(vii) Psalm 148. Vs. 5 mentions creation by divine fiat. Then follows \u05d7\u05e7 \u05e0\u05ea\u05df \u05d5\u05dc\u05d0 \u05d9\u05e2\u05d1\u05e8 (vs. 6b). The phrase is a clear echo of the combat myth, for it corresponds to Jer. 5:22, \u05d7\u05e7\u05be\u05e2\u05d5\u05dc\u05dd \u05d5\u05dc\u05d0 \u05d9\u05e2\u05d1\u05e8\u05e0\u05d4\u05d5; Ps. 104:9, \u05d2\u05d1\u05d5\u05dc \u05e9\u05de\u05ea \u05d1\u05dc\u05be\u05d9\u05e2\u05d1\u05e8\u05d5\u05df; Prov. 8:27, \u05d1\u05d7\u05e7\u05d5 \u05d7\u05d5\u05d2 \u05e2\u05dc\u05be\u05e4\u05e0\u05d9 \u05ea\u05d4\u05d5\u05dd; Job. 26:10, \u05d7\u05e7 \u05d7\u05d2 \u05e2\u05dc\u05be\u05e4\u05e0\u05d9\u05be\u05de\u05d9\u05dd. In each one of these instances the reference is explicitly to God\u2019s confining of the rebellious sea. The mutinous enemies, \u05ea\u05e0\u05d9\u05e0\u05d9\u05dd and \u05ea\u05d4\u05de\u05d5\u05ea, appear, in fact, in Ps. 148:7. The very attenuated form of the myth in this psalm makes its connection with cosmogony all the more significant.
\n(viii) Prov. 8:22\u201329. This is perhaps the most specific of all the passages in which combat and creation are expressly associated. At the very outset of the cosmogonic process (vss. 22\u201326, 29), God constrained \u05ea\u05d4\u05d5\u05dd (27) and confined \u05d9\u05dd (29). These latter phrases have already been discussed above in connection with Ps. 148.
\nThe reiterated association of the establishment of the cosmic order with the outcome of the combat, expressed through the constant repetition of a commonly shared vocabulary and the employment of standard clich\u00e9s, constitute proof enough that these passages are drawn from an independent Israelite version of the myth. The fact that the prophets occasionally use the combat myth without reference to creation does not in the least imply a dependence upon the Canaanite tradition. It is simply that by the natural process of artistic development the myth has undergone degeneration and its language become used as a mere literary convention. In some instances the very inextricability of the association of combat and cosmogony may itself be responsible for the absence of the one or the other, the missing element being tacitly assumed.
\nA case in point is Ps. 33. The clear description of creation in vss. 6\u20139 has no direct reference to the struggle between God and his primeval enemies. Yet it cannot escape notice that immediately following is the somewhat inconsequential assurance that God nullifies the counsel of the nations and renders ineffectual the plans of the peoples (vs. 10). The juxtaposition is understandable, however, if the creation narrative conjures up a mental association of a mythical combat, at once historicized in the conventional manner.
\nThis brings us back to our original starting point. Ps. 92:8 refers to a specific event that has taken place in the past, an event elucidated in vs. 10. The latter is an historicized excerpt of the popular Israelite creation-combat epic. To be sure, the myth is not explicitly articulated, and the creation motif appears in an attenuated form. Nevertheless, they both are more than presupposed within the body of the psalm. Even in their present literary transmutation the twin elements are thoroughly discernible. Witness the connection of vss. 5\u20136 with 8 and 10, the association of the greatness of God\u2019s works and deeds with the overthrow of His enemies. True, the phrase \u05de\u05d4\u05be\u05d2\u05d3\u05dc\u05d5 \u05de\u05e2\u05e9\u05d9\u05da \u05d3\u05f3 (vs. 6) does not necessarily have to refer to the acts of creation. But if we turn to Ps. 104, the great cosmogonic hymn, we find, significantly enough, that it opens with \u05d3\u05f3 \u05d0\u05dc\u05d4\u05d9 \u05d2\u05d3\u05dc\u05ea \u05de\u05d0\u05d3, followed immediately by a description of the works of creation, interspersed with citations from the combat myth (vss. 6 ff.). Again in the same psalm appears \u05de\u05d4\u05be\u05e8\u05d1\u05d5 \u05de\u05e2\u05e9\u05d9\u05da \u05d3\u05f3 (vs. 24), which is but a stylistic variant of Ps. 92:6 and which is succeeded by further references to cosmogony, again in explicit correlation with the combat myth. Accordingly, it would be highly unreasonable to assume that Ps. 92:6 is not likewise to be interpreted as praise of God in his capacity of creator of the world. This being so, then vs. 5, too, must be construed in the same way. For \u05de\u05e2\u05e9\u05d9 \u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05da there cannot be different from \u05de\u05e2\u05e9\u05d9\u05da of vs. 6, while \u05e4\u05e2\u05dc\u05da is basically the same expression as is found in Ps. 74:12 (\u05e4\u05e2\u05dc) and Prov. 8:22 (\u05de\u05e4\u05e2\u05dc\u05d9\u05d5), in both passages specifically connected with the combat and creation.
\nFinally, mention must be made of vs. 9, which serves to heighten the effect of the combat background. This brief line has been variously discarded as an interpolation interrupting the connection of vss. 8 and 10, or regarded as a necessary expression of the contrast between the absolute and eternally transcendent rule of God and the evanescence of the wicked. However, a closer analysis shows that it is, in reality, introductory to vs. 10 and prefatory to the combat idea.
\nThe Hebrew notion of God arousing or exalting himself is expressive of his activating the quality of retributive justice against his enemies. The synonyms most frequently employed in this connection are \u05e7\u05d5\u05dd, \u05e0\u05e9\u05d0, or \u05e8\u05d5\u05dd. The last is found several times in the Psalms:
\n\u05d5\u05d9\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05d0\u05dc\u05d5\u05d4\u05d9 \u05d9\u05e9\u05e2\u05d9\u05c3 \u05d4\u05d0\u05dc \u05d4\u05e0\u05d5\u05ea\u05df \u05e0\u05e7\u05de\u05d5\u05ea \u05dc\u05d9 \u2026 (18:47\u20138);
\n\u05e8\u05d5\u05de\u05d4 \u05d3\u05f3 \u05d1\u05e2\u05d6\u05da (21:14);
\n\u05d0\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05d1\u05d2\u05d5\u05d9\u05dd \u05d0\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05d1\u05d0\u05e8\u05e5 (46:11);
\n\u05e8\u05d5\u05de\u05d4 \u05e2\u05dc\u05be\u05e9\u05de\u05d9\u05dd \u05d0\u05dc\u05d4\u05d9\u05dd \u2026 \u05dc\u05de\u05e2\u05df \u05d9\u05d7\u05dc\u05e6\u05d5\u05df \u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05d3\u05d9\u05da \u2026 (108:6\u20137);
\n\u05e8\u05d5\u05de\u05de\u05d5\u05ea \u05d0\u05dc \u05d1\u05d2\u05e8\u05d5\u05e0\u05dd \u05d5\u05d7\u05e8\u05d1 \u05e4\u05d9\u05e4\u05d9\u05d5\u05ea \u05d1\u05d9\u05d3\u05dd\u05c3 \u05dc\u05e2\u05e9\u05d5\u05ea (149:6\u20137)
\n\u05d1\u05dc\u05d0\u05de\u05d9\u05dd. \u05e0\u05e7\u05de\u05d4 \u05d1\u05d2\u05d5\u05d9\u05dd \u05ea\u05d5\u05db\u05d7\u05d5\u05ea
\nIsaiah, too, uses the same verb in the identical sense three times within a few verses. Isa. 33:9\u201310, \u05d5\u05d0\u05ea\u05d4 \u05de\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u2026 \u05d9\u05ea\u05e4\u05e8\u05d3\u05d5 \u2026. In Isa. 33:5, \u05e0\u05e9\u05d2\u05d1 \u05d3\u05f3 \u05db\u05d9 \u05e9\u05db\u05df \u05de\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd \u05de\u05dc\u05d0 \u05e6\u05d9\u05d5\u05df \u05de\u05e9\u05e4\u05d8 \u05d5\u05e6\u05d3\u05e7\u05d4, God\u2019s exaltation fills Zion with justice and righteousness. In vs. 10, the prophet employs all three synonyms for added emphasis in describing God\u2019s impending and decisive action against the enemies of Israel: \u05d0\u05e0\u05e9\u05d0 \u05e2\u05ea\u05d4 \u05d0\u05e7\u05d5\u05dd \u05d9\u05d0\u05de\u05e8 \u05d3\u05f3 \u05e2\u05ea\u05d4 \u05d0\u05e8\u05d5\u05de\u05dd \u05e2\u05ea\u05d4. Accordingly, \u05de\u05e8\u05d5\u05dd in Ps. 92:9 explains the destruction of the wicked, mentioned in vs. 8. It is because God exalts himself to exercise judgment upon his enemies that the latter perish in disorder.
\nThe first of the themes of the biblical Sabbath, the motif of creation, finds its clear expression in Ps. 92 and contributed towards its selection as a Sabbath hymn.
\nVI. THE SOCIO-MORAL MOTIF
\nThe rationale of the Sabbath, as it appears in the Book of the Covenant (Exod. 23:12) and the Deuteronomic decalogue (Deut. 5:14\u201315) is that beast, slave, and stranger alike may enjoy freedom from toil. It is not without significance that in the former source the institution of the Sabbath, weekly or septennial, follows a series of laws demanding humanity and justice for those elements of society most susceptible to exploitation.
\nThis socio-moral motif finds its reflection in the prophetic literature. Amos (8:4\u20136) associates the Sabbath of the hypocritical wealthy class with fraudulent business practices and the exploitation of the poor. From this one may gather that in the prophet\u2019s view the true Sabbath should be an expression of social morality. Isaiah is even more explicit. In the same breath he exhorts the people to keep justice and to do righteousness, to observe the Sabbath and to desist from evil (Isa. 56:1\u20132). Ezekiel, to whom the Sabbath is especially dear, combines its profanation with the sins of bloodshed, dishonoring of parents, oppression of the stranger, orphan, and widow (Ezek. 22:6).
\nNow this socio-moral theme of the biblical Sabbath is, in reality, the natural concomitant of the cosmogonic. For creation means precisely the transformation of chaos into cosmos, and the combat myth implies the victory of stability and order over the forces of destruction that would negate creation. That is why so frequently the Bible associates creation with divine righteousness and why human wickedness is seen as endangering the very cosmos itself.
\nThe idea of creation as an expression of God\u2019s righteousness is to be found in Ps. 33. Love of justice is affirmed as being the special characteristic of God (vss. 4\u20135), and this is immediately exemplified in the acts of creation (vss. 6 ff.). In Ps. 89 the order is reversed, but the concept is the same. The description of cosmogony (vss. 10\u201314) is at once followed by an affirmation of divine righteousness (vs. 15). Similarly, the idea that God firmly established the world on an immovable foundation (Ps. 93:1) is closely allied to the notion of the permanent stability of God\u2019s throne of justice (vs. 2). Nor is it accidental that this latter idea is there followed by several references to the combat myth (vss. 3\u20134). Again, in Ps. 96:10, all nature is exhorted to acclaim God\u2019s sovereign rule in founding the world and in judging the peoples with equity. Deutero-Isaiah gives utterance to this selfsame concept most forcefully, as may be seen from the fact that the recitation of the classic combat myth (Isa. 51:9\u201310) is preceded by no less than six expressions of God\u2019s justice or righteousness (vss. 1, 4\u20138). On the other hand, this motif is indicated negatively, but with identical force, in the description of human evildoers in terms of the mythical primeval enemies of God and the designation of socio-moral corruption as shaking the very foundations of the earth (Ps. 82:2\u20135).
\nThis inextricable connection between God\u2019s creative works and His righteousness manifests itself in the structure of Ps. 92 and constitutes its literary framework. For, after the liturgical introduction of vss. 1\u20134, the psalm proper opens with a reference to cosmogony (5 f.) and closes, appropriately enough, with a declaration of God\u2019s righteousness. It is precisely this association of human evil with the undoing of creation, and of both with the primeval combat, that makes the theme of the fortunes of the wicked and the righteous so appropriate to the Sabbath. Very subtly has this been interwoven with the cosmogonic in three ways: the mythical enemies of God have become historicized and the events of prehistory have become the pattern for history; the wicked with their destructive works are suggestively designated \u05e4\u05e2\u05dc\u05d9 \u05d0\u05d5\u05df (vs. 8) in contrast to, and in negation of, God\u2019s creative works, \u05e4\u05e2\u05dc\u05d9\u05da (vs. 5); finally, there is the correlation between the eternity (\u05dc\u05e2\u05dc\u05dd, 9) of God\u2019s retributive justice and the perpetuity (\u05e2\u05d3\u05d9\u05be\u05e2\u05d3, 8) of the destruction of the wicked.
\nThe second of the themes of the biblical Sabbath, the socio-moral motif, also finds its clear expression in Ps. 92 and contributed towards its selection as a Sabbath hymn.
\nVII. THE HEPTAD OF TETRAGRAMMATA
\nPs. 92 employs the divine name YHWH exactly seven times. In view of the widespread use of the heptad as a stylistic device, often of cultic significance, in both biblical and extrabiblical sources, one is tempted to wonder whether the unusual heptad of tetragrammata was not an additional factor in making the psalm appropriate for the seventh day of the week. Attention has been drawn to the interesting fact that Ps. 24, chosen for the first day of the week, mentions the divine name six times, a number reminiscent of the six days of creation alluded to there in vss. 1\u20132. As a matter of fact, two other elements of the later synagogue Sabbath liturgy were characterized by the use of the heptad. The Amidah prayer contains seven benedictions instead of the daily nineteen (originally eighteen); and Ps. 29, added to the service, contains the sevenfold repetition of the phrase \u05e7\u05d5\u05dc \u05d3\u05f3.
\nIn the light of all this, the presence of the heptad of tetragrammata in Ps. 92 might very well have been suggestive of the seventh day of the week and so have contributed further towards the selection of the psalm for the Sabbath liturgy.
\nVIII. SUMMARY
\nPs. 92, alone of the seven Levitical psalms for the days of the week, bears a liturgical superscription. This is on account of its being the first of the group to be selected, the others having been chosen after the close of the Hebrew Psalter. This psalm is a public liturgy. It was selected for the Sabbath reading because its contents were felt to correspond to the two dominant themes of the biblical Sabbath, the cosmogonic and the socio-moral. The former motif is to be found primarily in vss. 5\u20136, 8, 10, on the basis of Ugaritic text III AB.A, 8 f. (68:8 f.) and biblical parallels to the cosmogonic combat myth. The latter, the socio-moral, appears in the problem of the wicked and the righteous. The presence of a heptad of tetragrammata probably contributed further to the suitability of the psalm as a reading for the seventh day of the week.<\/p>\n
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